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The Long History of Elite Rule: What Will
It Take To End It?
Posted
By Chuck Churchill On January 24, 2020
Elites have ruled
over people and commanded the surplus produced by their labor for many
millennia. It is this long history we have to contend with in today’s crisis of
capitalism that has produced endless wars and environmental catastrophes as
corporate billionaire rulers continue to promote business as usual while
preparing to fight each other with armed forces and nuclear weapons. This has
all been “normalized.” Concentrated elite power ends up massively distorting
people’s understanding of the nature of big business rule. Their highly paid
spokes people even shamelessly deploy concepts like “freedom” and “liberty” to
rationalize the enslaving and killing of millions for profits in resource wars.
But we also need to understand that despite this long reign of (t)error, human
beings lived for most of their evolutionary history (a much longer period of
time than that during which elites have ruled) in nomadic hunter-gatherer
societies where life conditions produced a rough equality among the Paleolithic
family groups. If there was anything that could be called freedom here, it was
a consequence of a primitive subsistence level that demanded participation from
all in obtaining the means of survival while providing minimal incentives for
large-scale social conflicts. Cooperation was primary; it is what made human
societies — not competition. These conditions also kept the human populations low
and in balance with available resources, while as some anthropologists
speculate (see Marshall Sahlins), providing significant amounts of free time
for cultivating social ties.
This began to
change with the agricultural revolution, during which some people found
themselves in better positions to extract a greater portion of the newly
available surpluses that allowed them to specialize in such key elite
activities as that of warrior and priest, two elite categories that generally
cooperated but were sometimes in conflict. Both of these functions demanded
time for training and education that basic producers did not have, though they
fed and clothed the elite and thus paid with their labor for the leisure
afforded aristocracies to learn how to rule. The latter certainly commanded the
resources and time that can be seen as one aspect of freedom, but their
opportunity for leisure, learning, and the pursuit of pleasure, self-interest
and aggrandizement was paid for by the lack of freedom of the laboring classes
whose work had to support both themselves and their rulers.
Those who did the
work were everywhere in the majority while their overlords almost always made
up a minority – often a very tiny minority – of the societies that they
dominated. For millennia, elites ruled over large numbers by using a
combination of coercion and persuasion, and in a few instances, even inclusion
of the lower orders in their decision-making processes. This could usually (but
not always) be done with a minimum expenditure of blood and treasure. Elites
were instrumental in founding the societies in areas over which they ruled by
getting a hold on the best lands, establishing the institutions and
monopolizing the means and techniques of coercion, and by producing and
disseminating the dominant discourse. They set up or took over and adapted the
major belief systems of their societies (from late Antiquity through the
medieval period, and well into our own times primarily religion), and utilized
these to rationalize their rule and reinforce acceptance of social hierarchies
with them at the pinnacle.
For most of
Antiquity, ruling elites lived and prospered from the labor of large numbers of
people: primarily slaves, but also indebted peasants, and those people
subjugated by conquest. During this epoch, the Greek and Roman experiences also
produced decisive developments for elite rule, including the use of democracy
in some of the Greek city-states that allowed continued aristocratic leadership
while giving a voice to the self-armed peasants who fought in the infantry, and
even landless laborers (the thetes) who rowed in the fleet. Greek democracy and
Greek science and philosophy were the legacies left by the ruling Greek elite
that have been historical reference points in play up to our own times. Plato’s
work, for example, includes extended discussions of the need for rule by an
elite of “philosopher kings,” to be supported of course by the labor of the
lower orders. As for the Romans, their Republic left its mark on history as an
example of republican governments in which the aristocracy selected a small
number of their peers as decision makers to serve in the Senate. In early Rome,
the plebeian commoners also had their own representative assemblies acceptable
to the patrician elite because the peasants and commoners (as in Greece) filled
the ranks of Rome’s army and were taxed to support its operations. Thus, their
views could appear to be taken into account, though their influence on policy
was seldom decisive. The Roman Republic was replaced by imperial rule as Rome’s
empire grew. Strong executive leadership became necessary to control the
factionalism of the aristocracy and manage the military power upon which the
empire rested. But, eventually, Rome’s armies helped to create the conditions
that would lead to Rome’s fall. Many Roman citizens no longer wished to risk
their lives in the Roman military. Professional soldiers, including large
numbers of “barbarians” paid and equipped by the state and later used as
auxiliaries under their own leaders, replaced the earlier peasant levies.
Rome’s later emperors used these barbarian soldiers while treating them and
their families with suspicion and hostility, even murdering them on occasion.
In Rome’s armies
the troops increasingly looked to their superior officers and commanding
generals for a share in the spoils of war. They were loyal to the most
successful, which meant that the army now made and unmade emperors. Emperors
who frequently had to fight civil wars against rivals now protected the aristocracy’s
interests; these wars eventually overstretched and weakened the empire. Even
the remnants of representative institutions would be displaced by autocratic
imperial power that came to rest on the recruitment of soldiers from Rome’s
barbarian enemies while ruthlessly taxing the empire’s peasant population.
These policies, given barbarian pressure on Rome’s overextended western
frontier, may have appeared necessary. Overall, however, they were a recipe for
disaster that left little or no room for freedom, undermined support for Roman
rule, and would end in fragmentation and chaos. Too many people, inside and
outside of the empire and its armies had little incentive to continue
supporting it. Thus, as history’s first large and successful “world” empire, Rome
showed that conquest could be the road to elite power and wealth and could be
maintained for centuries – but not indefinitely. Rome became a major reference
point for later imperial rule, and, of course, for the failures and decline of
empires.
Through the Middle Ages, the peasantry was
the main productive class, working both for their landlord masters and
themselves. The most powerful of the medieval nobility and the holders of the
largest land areas, kings and magnates, tied the lesser nobility to them by
grants of land in exchange for loyalty and military service. From their estates
and manors, this elite hierarchy ruled over the agricultural producers residing
in village lands that were a part of the lord’s manor but had been customarily
used by the peasants for centuries. For the most part, peasants accepted their
landlord’s rule as long as the dues demanded of them remained constrained by
the long usage of custom. But peasants could become rebellious if landlords’
demands were seen going beyond what had been usual. Peasants, however, never
really threatened elite power, at least not during the Middle Ages or for
several centuries beyond. It does not seem that, given the isolation of their
villages, their lack of leadership experience, and their general acceptance of
their rulers’ ideology, that the European peasantry of this period could ever
have successfully mounted a challenge to elite rule. Later peasant-based
revolutions (French, Russian, Chinese, Vietnamese) would tell a different
story, though capitalist imperialism would eventually overwhelm the 20th century
revolutions, which tried and failed to build long term worldwide revolutionary
movements.
The medieval period was also marked by
power struggles among the elite themselves for control of areas and,
eventually, states that would emerge around certain dynasties, and by the 16th century
become the European state systems among which the struggles would continue via
ever-shifting alliances and antagonisms. The rivalries of these composite
states extended the feudal-based conflicts over land, exacerbated by the
increased resources needed to field large armies, and produced seemingly
endless conflict that has indeed continued into our own times, with those
powers that first developed the capitalist mode of production coming out on
top. In the medieval West, the Christianity of the Roman Church was predominant
and would act as a unifying force, at least ideologically, though not without
developing its own institutional structures and interests that would sometimes
clash with states in which the Church was a parallel authority. The Protestant
Reformation would, of course, disrupt this “catholic” unity and add another
major source of conflict, while still rationalizing elite rule via the idea of
predestination – God’s “providence” favoring those in power with success.
The nobility,
trained for warfare, monopolized the upper levels of both Church and state and
shaped them to serve their interests while in some states (England for example,
and eventually any state that wanted to compete) increasingly blending with and
driven by the emerging capitalist class. These people established educational
systems (through both Church and state) to ensure their ideological hegemony.
During the early Middle Ages, the legacies of Greek science and philosophy were
lost or deliberately suppressed by the Christian authorities. The later
medieval period and Renaissance saw a revival of Greek learning, though for
most of the Middle Ages (and beyond, well into the early modern period) the
Church continued to monopolize the discourse and use physical torture to
repress any views deemed heretical. And, of course, the Church preached a
doctrine that encouraged members of society to recognize and remain in their
places where they would continue to do what they had always done. For the
peasants, this meant to work and support their masters, as they had been doing
for a thousand years or more in a feudal system where there were many peasant
revolts, but never a robust, widespread and unified challenge to elite rule
from below.
By the end of the 15th century,
particularly in England, the long-prevailing feudal mode of production began to
crack open from within due to changing balances among the contending classes
that allowed for the development of a capitalistic mode of production that
would eventually prevail throughout the world. Capitalism developed in a number
of places in the early modern period as merchants accumulated capital from
trade, and developed markets. But in England these developments combined with
changes in agriculture that gave rise to a new capitalist economy. By this time
the English nobility controlled the bulk of the land, owning much of it
outright, though they were parasitic upon the tenant farmers to whom they rented
their lands, and, of course, ultimately upon the labor of hired agricultural
workers, former peasants whose rights to common lands had been removed, along
with themselves, by a lengthy “enclosure” movement whereby landlords who
controlled Parliament and police power took over what had been common lands and
forced peasants from their holdings as they saw their lands become increasingly
profitable. These displaced peasants were to become the new working class,
owning no means of livelihood and with only their ability to work left to them.
The working class
under capitalism was nominally and juridically free (neither serfs nor slaves,
except on the colonial plantations of the New World where African slaves
produced the surpluses that made planters some of the wealthiest people in the
world). Now, however, they no longer controlled any means of subsistence
(land). And the Industrial Revolution would eventually deprive them of their
own tools. They were themselves commodities (wage slaves) forced by an economy
driven by capital accumulation to sell their labor power in exchange for wages,
on labor markets subject to the fluctuating needs of a new ruling class of
capitalists. Capitalists paid workers a subsistence wage that represented the
value of only a portion of what the worker produced, while owning the entire
product of workers’ labor to be sold for profit. As a result of turning the
peasants into workers with no way to feed and clothe themselves, English
markets were the first to take a step toward mass-market production and
consumption by producing for sale the basic staples such as food and clothing.
But such markets now at least partially rested on the demand of wageworkers (as
they still do today, representing roughly 70%). Yet worldwide, workers’ wages
were (are) almost always barely enough for subsistence.
Subsistence
farming was left in the dust; production of commodities for the market would
become the main goal everywhere. Capitalism for the first time in human history
introduced a mode of production based on individual capitalist-operated units
such as England’s farms that produced for exchange and consistently demanded
the most “efficient” methods (those which produced the greatest amount for the
least cost, via machinery that eliminated labor, and/or cuts in wages, the
latter being the most “elastic” of the cost-cutting measures) to keep overall
production expenses low. This economic system replaced the basic peasant
subsistence agriculture prevailing throughout previous human history. The new capitalism
introduced a dynamic relentless competitive drive that led to innovation and
exponentially expanded production, especially after the Industrial Revolution
that could not have happened without this earlier capitalistic development. In
terms of population growth and technical innovations, history appeared to speed
up.
Capitalism has
continued the rule of an elite, arguably the most powerful in history and
committed to an economic system that knows no boundaries, depends on endless
production and consumption (non-stop growth on a finite planet), and now
threatens global environmental destruction. For millennia landed elites
everywhere confronted peasants from whose labor they lived and grew relatively
wealthy. Today’s big capitalist elites, however, now exploit a global working
class whose origins we have just discussed, and whose labor has resulted in the
creation of a class of billionaires for the first time in history. The
competitive struggles between and among capitalist, over control of trade and
market share, natural resources, and access to the cheapest labor, have led to
almost constant international conflict, including two colossal world wars in
the twentieth century, wars fought for elite wealth and power, but using
workers (and peasants) as cannon fodder. In defense of their interests, workers
have been on a collision course with individual capitalists (and their states)
since the 16th century. In more recent times, they have even confronted the
capitalist class with the specter of revolution. The socialists of the 19th
century and the communists of the 20th led workers and peasants in defensive
struggles and, at times of crisis and war, even aimed to overthrow the rule of
capital in the world. They did not succeed in this, though their efforts were
met with some success in several countries where peasant exploitation lasted
well into modern times. But by the end of the twentieth century, workers’ gains
had been reversed, an unprecedented inequality prevails everywhere in the
world, especially in the Global South, and working classes have been on the
defensive everywhere.
Elite rule
thus continues in the monopoly phase of capitalism that has concentrated power
into fewer hands worldwide than in all previous history. Elites have now had
centuries of ruling experience, and they have the same enemies – the world’s
working classes. They are in possession of the instruments of control (such as
mass media) through which they deploy a complex of old and new ideologies on
every imaginable front, much of which is designed to divide workers by race,
gender, age, and any other categories our rulers can come up with to pit one
group of working people against another. All of this is, of course, always
backed up by their monopoly of state violence, which we can see in action
virtually every day. Look to France for just one of many examples.
Nor is
class struggle their only war front. Today’s endless wars are waged for control
of the world’s increasingly shrinking resources (oil, water, cheap labor,
markets) sought after by monopoly capitalist interests led by big finance that
has profited most from the production and encouragement of inflated debt
bubbles like the real estate market that collapsed in 2007-8. The US has of
course been the leader in this process, the “hegemon” whose post-World War II
military supremacy allowed it to ride roughshod over the world, with the major
exceptions of Russia and China. This has included enormously destructive wars
in Korea and Vietnam, where the US wanted to set an example of what can happen
to small, peripheral countries who try to control their own resources and
destinies. Now, with the momentary defeat of communism, the rise of China to a
global state-capitalist rival power, the recovery of a now-capitalist Russia
from the US efforts to turn it into a neo-liberal colony after 1989, and the
incipient alliance of these two former communist powers, the imperialist
prospects of the US have taken a turn for the worst. A new cold war is upon us
that portends another major conflict of imperialist powers like what overtook
the world in 1914 and 1939. Today’s rulers have available and have consistently
used “weapons of mass destruction” unimaginable during the previous timespan of
elite rule. Nuclear arms treaties are being ripped up and new nuclear weapons,
with hypersonic delivery systems are being devised. If this were not enough to
bring into being a world mass movement against capitalism, indeed against any
further continuation of elite rule, the prospect of continued man-made global
climate change has also stepped with frightening consequences onto the current
stage of human history. Climate scientists like Ian Angus are even labeling it
a new epoch, the Anthropocene, marked by the increasingly out of control
production of carbon by the burning of fossil fuels that is wreaking havoc with
the weather, the world’s oceans and supply of fresh water as well as
unprecedented mass extinctions that are likely to include that of humanity itself.
In the face of this, it is crystal clear that our elites are determined to do
nothing about this situation created by their own economic practices, nothing
that would cut into their profits. These conditions will add to the pressures
for more resource wars up to and including the existential danger of another
imperialist war now facing humanity as a whole.
So where does this leave us? Here
comes the hard part that nobody seems to want to take in, and indeed it is the
toughest nut to be cracked. Lots of people are pointing out the problems, even
fingering capitalism as the main source of them. And there has been plenty of
fight back everywhere. But few are confronting the political import of Lenin’s
timely question: What is to be done? This is not surprising given the power of
big capital to shape what people think. Worldwide collective democratic
decision-making processes must replace the constant destructive competition of
elite rule. The people who actually do the work should control the economy and
operate it for the long-term sustainable benefit of everyone,
not the profits of a few. And this program needs to be on the agenda
everywhere; it needs to be an international movement of the world’s working
classes, operated by and for the workers themselves. But it should also be
clear that capitalist opposition to this will stop at nothing. Witness the
record, just in England and the US, of massacres of workers who were resisting
capitalist power, mostly in efforts to win recognition for their unions, not to
mention the ferocious opposition to socialist and especially revolutionary
communist movements that sought to do away with capitalism in favor of the
collective power of the working class. Winston Churchill (no relation)
recognized the rise of fascism in the ‘twenties as an antidote to Bolshevism,
and today’s rulers have few qualms about reviving this genocidal monstrosity to
protect their system. Add to the physical repression the almost constant
drumbeat of anti-communism emanating from the top that has been a long and
almost completely successful elite effort to demonize, distort, and suppress
workers’ opportunities and efforts to even think about
overthrowing capitalism and revolutionizing the way we exist. The
capitalist-owned media, institutionalized politics and government, police and
the army are all major players in protecting and preserving the capitalist
status quo, and will continue to be so. Yet we seem to be running out of time
to build the kind of mass international movement that can transform the dire
situation we find ourselves in.
I came of age as a student in
the late 1960s and early 1970s, a time of great intellectual and political
ferment; a time of mass actions in the streets in support of civil rights,
equality, and an end to the seemingly endless Vietnam War. And, for some of us,
it was also a time to consider the sources of inequality and war, and the
alternatives to this. The floodgates were open to ideas that were previously
out of bounds. Our rulers could not easily contain it, though they eventually
reasserted control and have worked overtime to demonize and discredit this
formative experience ever since. Nevertheless, I see no shortcuts or easy paths
around eliminating the source of our problems, and can only recommend that we
re-examine the successes and failures of the revolutionary movements of the
past couple of centuries in an effort to see a way forward politically. To do
this we must NOT leave judgment in the hands of the capitalists. We need to
avoid all of the efforts of capital to mislead, distort, dismiss and slander
the efforts of the great revolutionaries of the past: Karl Marx, Friedrich
Engels, V.I. Lenin, Mao Tse Tung, Ho Chi Minh, Fidel Castro, Che Guevara and so
many unsung others who lived, fought and sacrificed for the good of humanity.
We also need to understand that anyone trying to change things for the benefit
of the masses of the people – even when they try to play within the rules set
by big business — will be the targets of endless media efforts to demonize and
disqualify them.
Article printed from CounterPunch.org: https://www.counterpunch.org
URL to article: https://www.counterpunch.org/2020/01/24/the-long-history-of-elite-rule-what-will-it-take-to-end-it/
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