Saturday, December 3, 2016

In These Times, We Must Continue Down the Long Road to Peace

Published on Alternet (http://www.alternet.org)

In These Times, We Must Continue Down the Long Road to Peace

By Jaya Priya Reinhalter [1] / AlterNet [2]
November 30, 2016

1
Editor’s note: The following testimony will be presented by Jaya Priya Reinhalter at the People's Tribunal on the Iraq War [3], to take place December 1-2 in Washington D.C. under the leadership of CODEPINK, Institute for Policy Studies, Washington Peace Center and numerous other organizations.

    Prior to November 8, I had a written draft of what I wanted to say. On the morning of November 9, I tore it to shreds and wondered what was left to say. America had spoken, and I felt silenced. But then I was reminded of another time I felt silenced and recalled the impacts of the ongoing silence that has ensued since.

    The invasion of Iraq in 2003 happened when I was only 15. At the time, I had little understanding of what this really meant. Only later, when my intellectual understanding grew, and my cousin was deployed, did I start to realize that I felt helpless. One of the biggest lies we have ever been told is that there is such a thing as “war abroad.” There is no such thing. The costs always come home, in the most insidious of ways. I cannot speak with much insight about the Iraqi experience, which is probably the voice we should privilege in this tribunal, but what I can offer is my experience of growing up in the age of “terror” and so-called “inevitable warfare.”

      Perhaps the biggest insult was the propaganda that told us this was an unavoidable and just war in the name of both our, and the Iraqi people’s, wellbeing and happiness. We were told that the losses incurred were “worth it,” and that what the Iraqi government had done and intended to do was “much worse.”

    If we wanted to engage in a morality contest, or compare atrocities, we might find the pro-war U.S. narrative begin to unravel. According to a report [4] released in 2015 by Physicians for Social Responsibility, Physicians for Global Survival, and the International Physicians for the Prevention of Nuclear War, at least one million Iraqis were killed between 2003 and 2012 alone as a direct result of the U.S. invasion and occupation. That same study found that at least 1.3 million people have been killed in Iraq, Afghanistan, and Pakistan as the result of the so-called War on Terror waged in the aftermath of September 11, 2001. These figures do not include refugees killed by rough conditions and dangerous travel after they were forced to flee their homes.

  In the exacting words of Arundhati Roy, "One set of atrocities is called Terrorism and the other, Progress."

   Even more, the invasion of Iraq signified the initiation of a new state of “being” in the United States: an ambiguous state of protracted warfare. The War on Terror, by the nature of its very name, told us that we would be engaged in an unending state of conflict, at any location in the world, at any time. At this point, I have lived out my entire teenage and adult life under the auspices of this “War on Terror.”

   Today, much of my work relates to building community and cooperation across lines of faith and religious difference. In the U.S., I resent that this work must focus so heavily on healing deep-seated Islamophobic sentiments in our nation, where Islamaphobia has become a government-sponsored national illness. Fear, disconnection and an unending state of conflict wreaks havoc on our ability to feel natural states of compassion and interconnection. We have been asked to forget that the people of Iraq, and all Muslims for that matter, are our brothers and sisters. Sometimes I wonder if there is a worse oppression than being taught to not feel. What does this do to the human conscience?

    As a result of this, and a whole universe of other insults, I’ve also become a student of conflict. As a student of conflict, I often hear violence referred to as an extreme version of “turning up of the volume” due to either an actual or perceived distance between us. Whether it be physical distance, emotional distance, or a power differential, the larger the canyon grows between us, the louder we must be in order hear one another. Whether this ‘turning up of the volume’ looks like economic sanctions, violent retaliations, political slander, or event this tribunal, our efforts to be heard are expressed in myriad ways.

   Fortunately, those of us participating in the tribunal have enough privilege that we can speak truth to power without resorting to violence. We are granted a stage on which to perform our protests and to be heard within the fulcrum of U.S. imperial power. Have the Iraqis been granted this same space to speak? Just as war is always a conversation between two or more parties (although almost always with significant power differences), so too is the process of peacebuilding. As peace builders, we are called to find strategies to bridge this vast space that has grown between the collective consciousness of the people and the U.S. government—and to uplift the voices of the Iraqis and others who have been impacted by this war.

    Students of conflict also learn very quickly that there are two essential factors in creating spaces where conflict stands a chance of transformation: power and love. In many liberal spaces, and particularly anti-war spaces, you will often hear a variety of adages that essentially mean, “All you need is love.” While on some ethereal plane I may agree with this, I have come to learn that love without power can be feeble and sentimental. Even more, love that does not acknowledge the need to transform power may actually reinforce the gluttony of the already powerful and permit ongoing exploitation and abuse.  Where love creates the potential for transformation and naturally draws us towards unity, power is required to realize these aspirations.

  That said, in the absence of love, power becomes a tool of brutality and separation driven by its own self interest. In the case of the George W. Bush administration and the invasion of Iraq, we see this exact impulse at play. There, we found an already powerful voice demanding that it be the only voice. This kind of power erodes. It is untethered and rapacious in its search for itself. It is power without love. But this is all it can do. This is power’s nature when out of balance. It’s only following its own principles of self promotion. Power seeking more power. This form of power exercised by the Bush administration has had its impacts not only on our economy and military men and women, but also on our very own relationship to power.

  The “idea” is that this would be democracy’s role: to keep power in check with our collective consciousness, which tends to lean towards love. Genuine collective consciousness, when free of manipulation and with our basic needs met, always leans towards love. Our own Declaration of Independence reminds us that, “Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just Powers from the Consent of the Governed.”

   On the other hand, are we really shocked? Is the Iraq war an aberration? Do we really have permission to speak about the Iraq war without talking about the war machine, capitalism, nationalism and imperialism? Really, my question is a perennial one: how do we give power to our collective conscience and move away from the imperial impulse of self-promoting power?

    In essence this is not just a call for an end to the Iraq war, but a call for a whole new social reality. The entire rationale behind the “inevitability” of war is a cruel and terrible insult to the human imagination. We must come together to give power to another imagination, to another set of possibilities. Life-giving possibilities. When we are talking about a terribly violent thing like War, we must call on a distinctly empowered love, and we must be willing to talk about what it means to take back our power. As Adam Kahane reminds us, “Dialogue that does not acknowledge and work with power cannot create new social realities.” So I beg us, at this tribunal, to consider deeply what power looks like in the anti-war movement, or specifically in relation to the Iraq war.

    In my own estimation, the commission on truth and accountability is a great example of one approach to dealing with the transformation of power. Nothing calls power into being like the truth, and accountability is the backbone of truth. 
   
    But we must also grow. To grow, we must find ways to cultivate the growth of life, not just its maintenance. To do this we need deep community. In fact, true security comes from strong and vibrant communities based on interconnection and mutual support. Finding ways to build systems of mutual support opens possibilities for transformation and growth that do not destroy that which we are trying to nurture.

    Although the road to peace and dealing with the underbelly of the war machine are lofty aspirations, we have to start somewhere. As we know, there is a whole biodiversity of movements and individuals working towards these realities, and this tribunal is just one player. But it also offers an opportunity for diversity to find its point of unity. Maybe, in the simplest way, this tribunal is an effort to reunite. Not only those of us participating, but also those in power, those responsible, and those affected. To remember that we are interconnected and to bring distant perspectives and voices closer, so that we do not have to turn our volumes up so high be heard. If our proximity pulls closer and we grow in the direction of deepened understanding, even just a little, this tribunal will have been a success.

   Even more, if we can make power and love visible by explicitly inquiring after them to ensure that they are seen fully for their roles, we will also have succeeded. And at last, equipped with a map of power and love for the Iraq war, a growing narrative of truth, deepened collaboration and community, and the possibility of moving towards connection, we may find that war is not so inevitable after all.

Jaya Priya Reinhalter is an organizer with the United Religions Initiative and Kashi Foundation.
        [6]


Links:


Donations can be sent to the Baltimore Nonviolence Center, 325 E. 25th St., Baltimore, MD 21218.  Ph: 410-323-1607; Email: mobuszewski [at] verizon.net. Go to http://baltimorenonviolencecenter.blogspot.com/

"The master class has always declared the wars; the subject class has always fought the battles. The master class has had all to gain and nothing to lose, while the subject class has had nothing to gain and everything to lose--especially their lives." Eugene Victor Debs


Friday, December 2, 2016

Carrier Just Showed Corporations How to Beat Donald Trump


Thursday, December 01, 2016


Carrier Just Showed Corporations How to Beat Donald Trump
We need a president who can stand up to big corporations, not fold to their demands.


  Today, about 1,000 Carrier workers and their families should be rejoicing. But the rest of our nation’s workers should be very nervous.

   President-elect Donald Trump will reportedly announce a deal with United Technologies, the corporation that owns Carrier, that keeps less than 1,000 of the 2100 jobs in America that were previously scheduled to be transferred to Mexico. Let’s be clear: It is not good enough to save some of these jobs. Trump made a promise that he would save all of these jobs, and we cannot rest until an ironclad contract is signed to ensure that all of these workers are able to continue working in Indiana without having their pay or benefits slashed.

  In exchange for allowing United Technologies to continue to offshore more than 1,000 jobs, Trump will reportedly give the company tax and regulatory favors that the corporation has sought. Just a short few months ago, Trump was pledging to force United Technologies to “pay a damn tax.” He was insisting on very steep tariffs for companies like Carrier that left the United States and wanted to sell their foreign-made products back in the United States. Instead of a damn tax, the company will be rewarded with a damn tax cut. Wow! How’s that for standing up to corporate greed? How’s that for punishing corporations that shut down in the United States and move abroad?

  In essence, United Technologies took Trump hostage and won. And that should send a shock wave of fear through all workers across the country.

   Trump has endangered the jobs of workers who were previously safe in the United States. Why? Because he has signaled to every corporation in America that they can threaten to offshore jobs in exchange for business-friendly tax benefits and incentives. Even corporations that weren’t thinking of offshoring jobs will most probably be re-evaluating their stance this morning. And who would pay for the high cost for tax cuts that go to the richest businessmen in America? The working class of America.  
Let’s be clear. United Technologies is not going broke. Last year, it made a profit of $7.6 billion and received more than $6 billion in defense contracts. It has also received more than $50 million from the Export-Import Bank and very generous tax breaks. In 2014, United Technologies gave its former chief executive Louis Chenevert a golden parachute worth more than $172 million. Last year, the company’s five highest-paid executives made more than $50 million. The firm also spent $12 billion to inflate its stock price instead of using that money to invest in new plants and workers.

   Does that sound like a company that deserves more corporate welfare from our government? Trump’s Band-Aid solution is only making the problem of wealth inequality in America even worse.

   I said I would work with Trump if he was serious about the promises he made to members of the working class. But after running a campaign pledging to be tough on corporate America, Trump has hypocritically decided to do the exact opposite. He wants to treat corporate irresponsibility with kid gloves. The problem with our rigged economy is not that our policies have been too tough on corporations; it’s that we haven’t been tough enough.

   We need to re-instill an ethic of corporate patriotism. We need to send a very loud and clear message to corporate America: The era of outsourcing is over. Instead of offshoring jobs, the time has come for you to start bringing good-paying jobs back to America.

   If United Technologies or any other company wants to keep outsourcing decent-paying American jobs, those companies must pay an outsourcing tax equal to the amount of money it expects to save by moving factories to Mexico or other low-wage countries.  They should not receive federal contracts or other forms of corporate welfare.  They must pay back all of the tax breaks and other corporate welfare they have received from the federal government. And they must not be allowed to reward their executives with stock options, bonuses or golden parachutes for outsourcing jobs to low-wage countries. I will soon be introducing the Outsourcing Prevention Act, which will address exactly that.
If Donald Trump won’t stand up for America’s working class, we must.

   Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) was elected to the U.S. Senate in 2006 after serving 16 years in the House of Representatives. He is the longest serving independent member of Congress in American history. Elected Mayor of Burlington, Vt., by 10 votes in 1981, he served four terms. Before his 1990 election as Vermont's at-large member in Congress, Sanders lectured at the John F. Kennedy School of Government at Harvard and at Hamilton College in upstate New York. Read more at his website. Follow him on Twitter: @SenSanders or @BernieSanders

Donations can be sent to the Baltimore Nonviolence Center, 325 E. 25th St., Baltimore, MD 21218.  Ph: 410-323-1607; Email: mobuszewski [at] verizon.net. Go to http://baltimorenonviolencecenter.blogspot.com/


"The master class has always declared the wars; the subject class has always fought the battles. The master class has had all to gain and nothing to lose, while the subject class has had nothing to gain and everything to lose--especially their lives." Eugene Victor Debs

Thursday, December 1, 2016

Baltimore Activist Alert - December 2 - January 20, 2016

39] Nuclear waste forum – Dec. 2 & 3
40] Peace vigil at White House – Dec. 2
41] WIB peace vigils – Dec. 2
42] Black Lives Matter vigil Dec. 2
43] Film THE GREAT INVISIBLE – Dec. 2
44] Human Cost of Energy Production – deadline Dec. 2
45] Film WHERE DO WE GO NOW? – Dec. 2
46] "ALL THE REAL INDIANS DIED OFF" – Dec. 2
47] Dan Zak to talk about ALMIGHTY– Dec. 2
48] Ballroom Dancing – Dec. 2
49] Culture of Peace Forum – Dec. 3
50] How is gas infrastructure affecting your community? -- Dec. 3
51] West Chester peace vigil – Dec. 3
52] Emergency community meeting -- Dec. 3
53] Casa Baltimore/Limay ANNUAL HOLIDAY PARTY -- Dec. 3
54] Student voices are to be heard -- Dec. 3
55] Resist Trumpism – Jan. 20
56] Need photos of the antinuclear vigil in front of the White House
57] Sign up with Washington Peace Center
58] Donate books, videos, DVDs and records
59] Do you need any book shelves?
60] Join the Global Zero campaign
61] Join the Peace Park Antinuclear Vigil
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39] – Hardened On-Site Storage (HOSS) for commercial irradiated nuclear fuel is an interim alternative to such bad ideas as reprocessing, the Yucca Mountain dumpsite, and a radioactive waste shell game on our roads, rails, and waterways (a.k.a. "centralized interim storage," or de facto permanent parking lot dumps). The HOSS "Principles for Safeguarding Nuclear Waste at Reactors" is posted online at IEER's website, listing all signatories, (this is the current version as of 2010, the most recent update): http://ieer.org/wp/wp-content/uploads/2010/03/HOSS_PRINCIPLES_3-23-10x.pdf.

Consider attending a national grassroots strategy meeting on high-level radioactive waste management taking place in Chicago, IL from Fri., Dec. 2 through Sun., Dec. 4. Register at
http://www.beyondnuclear.org/radioactive-waste-whatsnew/2016/12/2/national-grassroots-radioactive-waste-summit-december-2-to-4.html.

40] – On Fri., Dec. 2 from noon to 1 PM, join the Dorothy Day Catholic Worker in a vigil urging the powers that be to abolish war and torture, to disarm all weapons, to end indefinite detention, to close Guantanamo, to establish justice for all and help create the Beloved Community! This vigil will take place at the White House, 1600 Pennsylvania Ave. NW. Contract Art @ artlaffin@hotmail.com or at 202-360-6416. 

41] – On Fri., Dec. 2 from noon to 1 PM, join a Women in Black peace vigil. A vigil will take place in McKeldin Square at the corner of Light and Pratt Sts., and another will take place outside Roland Park Place, 830 W. 40th St., across from the Rotunda.  Stay for as long as you can. Wear black. Dress for who knows what kind of weather. Bring your own poster or help with the "NO WAR IN MY NAME" banner.  When there are others to stand with, you don't need to carry the burden alone. Do this to be in solidarity with others....when everything around us says “Be afraid of the stranger.” Carpool and parking available at both locations. Just send an email that you need a ride [mailto:wibbaltimore@peacepath911.org].  Peace signs will be available. 

42] – There is usually a silent vigil on Fridays, from 5 to 6 PM, sponsored by Homewood Friends and Stony Run Meetings, outside the Homewood Friends Meetinghouse, 3107 N. Charles St.  The next scheduled vigil is on Dec. 2. Black Lives Matter.

43] –  The Hiroshima-Nagasaki Commemoration Committee, Baltimore Quaker Peace and Justice Committee of Homewood and Stony Run Meetings and Chesapeake Physicians for Social Responsibility are continuing the FILM & SOCIAL CONSCIOUSNESS DVD SERIES.  The DVDs will be shown at Homewood Friends Meetinghouse, 3107 N. Charles St., Baltimore 21218, usually on the First Friday.  After the Black Lives Matter vigil, there will be a potluck dinner. At 7:15 PM, from September through December, a DVD will be shown with a discussion to follow.  There is no charge, and refreshments will be available.  The series theme is REACTING TO WARS ON CONSTITUTIONAL PROTECTIONS, PEOPLE AND THE ENVIRONMENT.

On Fri., Dec. 2 see THE GREAT INVISIBLE [USA, 2014.] directed by Margaret Brown.  It is a documentary about the oil rig explosion in the Gulf of Mexico.  On April 10, 2010, the Deepwater Horizon oil rig exploded, killing 11 workers on the rig, and dumping what amounted to almost 5 million barrels of crude into the gulf. The leak continued without interruption for 87 days, devastating the Gulf coastline, its wildlife, its beaches and its entire fishing industry (the main source of income for many in the bayou). BP's lack of response to the initial spill brought ferocious criticism to the company, and there was a possibility of fines of up to $18 billion. Brown's documentary personalizes the well-publicized event, bringing us close to those affected by it, fishermen, survivors and seafood workers: the "invisible" victims of the massive catastrophe. Call 410-366-1637 or email mobuszewski [at] verizon.net for further information

44] – Attend the Human Cost of Energy Production Photography Exhibit & Reception on Tues., Dec. 6 from 4:30 to 7 PM at the Environmental Integrity Project, 1000 Vermont Ave. NW, Suite 1100, WDC 20005.  The project brings heightened awareness of fracking's external costs, including the conditions in which those disproportionately impacted by energy production live, work, and play, through conservation photography at its finest. The photographs are from world-renowned photographers Garth Lenz and Karen Kasmauski.  Enjoy finger food and drinks. Register by Fri., Dec. 2 at https://www.eventbrite.com/e/human-cost-of-energy-production-photography-exhibit-reception-tickets-27902404844?aff=erelexpmlt.

45] – On Fri., Dec.  2 at 7 PM get over to the First-Friday Film at the Peace Center of Delaware County, 1001 Old Sproul Rd., Springfield, PA. See WHERE DO WE GO NOW? This is a drama/comedy about Muslim and Christian women living together in an isolated Lebanese village who conspire together to keep their blowhard menfolk from being caught up in the region's surrounding violence. Peppered throughout with earthy, village humor and quirky, human situations, it delivers its antiwar message with a knowing smile, leaving you with a sense of the wry foolishness and tragedy of war. The director is Nadine Labaki, and the screenwriters are Thomas Bidegain and Rodney El Haddad. The screened is co-sponsored by the Brandywine Peace Community. Visit www.delcopeacecenter.org or call 484-574-1148. Doors open at 6:30 p.m. for light refreshments.

46] – On Fri., Dec. 2 at 7:30 PM at Red Emma's Bookstore Coffeehouse, 30 W. North Ave., Baltimore 21201, hear from ROXANNE DUNBAR ORTIZ about "ALL THE REAL INDIANS DIED OFF," AND OTHER MYTHS. Dunbar-Ortiz will speak with award-winning journalist Dina Gilio-Whitaker. They tackle a wide range of myths about Native American culture and history that have misinformed generations. Tracing how these ideas evolved, and drawing from history, the authors disrupt long-held and enduring myths. Call 443-602-7585.  Go to http://www.redemmas.org.  

47] – On Fri., Dec. 2 at 7:30 PM at the Dorothy Day Catholic Worker, 503 Rock Creek Church Rd. NW, WDC 20010, hear from Dan Zak, Washington Post reporter and author of "Almighty: Courage, Resistance and Existential Peril in the Nuclear Age." On a tranquil summer night in July 2012, a trio of peace activists infiltrated the Y-12 National Security Complex in Tennessee. Nicknamed the “Fort Knox of Uranium,” Y-12 was supposedly one of the most secure sites in the world, a bastion of nuclear warhead parts and hundreds of tons of highly enriched uranium—enough to power thousands of nuclear bombs. The three activists—a house painter, a Vietnam War veteran, and an 82-year-old Catholic nun—penetrated the complex’s exterior with alarming ease; their strongest tools were two pairs of bolt cutters and three hammers. Once inside, these pacifists hung protest banners, spray-painted biblical messages against war, and streaked the walls with human blood. Then they waited to be arrested. Zak uses this event to explore America’s love-hate relationship to the bomb, from the race to achieve atomic power before the Nazis did to the solemn 70th anniversary of Hiroshima. At a time of concern about proliferation in such nations as Iran and North Korea, the U.S. arsenal is plagued by its own security problems. Part historical adventure, part courtroom drama, part moral thriller, “Almighty” reshapes the accepted narratives surrounding nuclear weapons and shows that our greatest modern-day threat remains a power we discovered long ago.  Contact the Dorothy Day Catholic Worker at 202-882- 9649 or artlaffin@hotmail.com.

48] – There is an opportunity to participate in ballroom dancing, usually every Friday of the month, in the JHU ROTC Bldg. at  8 PM.  Turn south on San Martin Dr. from the intersection of Univ. Parkway and 39th St.  Drive on campus by taking the third left turn. The next dance will be Dec. 3. Call Dave Greene at 410-599-3725.

49] -- On Sat., Dec. 3 from 9 to 11 AM at St. Stephen’s Lutheran Church, 1301 N. Broom St., Wilmington 19806, get over to the Movement for a Culture of Peace Forum: Gun Violence and Public Health with Rita Langraf, Cabinet Secretary, Hanifa Shabazz, City Councilwoman, Sandra Medinilla, trauma surgeon. Go to https://wilmingtonpeacemarch.wordpress.com/2016/.

50] – On Sat., Dec. 3 from 10 AM to 2 PM, attend the workshop How is gas infrastructure affecting your community? Chesapeake PSR is co-sponsoring this workshop.  The gas industry is not only pumping gas from wells, but storing and delivering it with extensive infrastructure: pipelines, compressor stations, storage facilities, LNG terminals and gas-power plants. How is this heavy industry affecting your community? The workshop is happening at Immanuel United Church of Christ, 1905 Edmondson Ave., Catonsville. After you register, you have the option of purchasing lunch for $9. Register at https://www.eventbrite.com/e/natural-gas-infrastructure-community-workshop-tickets-29062300122?utm_campaign=order_confirmation_email&utm_medium=email&ref=eemailordconf&utm_source=eb_email&utm_term=eventname. ​​You will hear and discuss the health, environmental and community disruption effects of gas infrastructure. Our frontline communities are paying for dirty energy with our health and the ever-growing threat of the climate crisis. Participants will discuss industry infrastructure and share their experiences with others whose communities are at risk – a community of communities.  Contact Rebecca Ruggles at rebeccalruggles@gmail.com. The workshop is sponsored by Maryland Environmental Health Network, Chesapeake Physicians for Social Responsibility, Chesapeake Climate Action Network, HoCo Climate Change, Waterkeepers Chesapeake, We Are Cove Point and other concerned individuals.

51] – Each Saturday, 11 AM – 1 PM, Chester County Peace Movement holds a peace vigil in West Chester in front of the Chester County Courthouse, High & Market Sts. Go to www.ccpeace.org. Email ccpeacemovement@aol.com.

52] - Let's get organized. On Sat., Dec. 3 at 4 PM at 2017 E. Pratt St., Baltimore 21231, attend an emergency community meeting. The host can be reached at Lydia lpecker@gmail.com. We see the Republican agenda shaping up, and it doesn't look pretty. An all-out assault on Medicare. Deporting millions and tearing families apart. Eliminating civil rights protections and enforcement. Forcing Muslim people to register with the government. And that's just the tip of the iceberg. Go to https://actionnetwork.org/event_campaigns/emergency-community-meeting?source=CourageCampaign.

53] –  Casa Baltimore/Limay cordially invites you to its ANNUAL HOLIDAY PARTY, WITH SPECIAL TALENT, on Sat., Dec. 3, starting at 5:30 PM with dinner at 6 PM at the home of John Reuter, 2902 Louise Ave., Baltimore 21214. This is a *fun* raiser as well as a fundraiser for projects in our friendship community, Limay, Nicaragua--college scholarships, food security for the most vulnerable, medical fund, and a revolving loan development fund.  Bring a potluck dish to share, and lots of holiday love. Do YOU have talent to share?  Please prepare a song, a poem, a comedy riff, your spoon-rhythm band, or your caricature drawings. The sky's the limit. Call Barbara at 410-444-1023.  A donation is requested for the projects, however no one will be turned away. From Charles Street, head east on Northern Parkway to Old Harford Road, then turn right (south). Go four blocks, and turn left on Louise Avenue. The house is on the left.

54] – On Sat., Dec. 3 at 7:30 PM at Red Emma's Bookstore Coffeehouse, 30 W. North Ave., Baltimore 21201, celebrate the diversity of student voices in Baltimore, with representatives from UMBC (Jamie Alexander), Morgan State (Dominique Holder), JHU (Adam McCann), MICA (Fanni Somogyi), and the Writers in Baltimore Schools programs. Our featured reader will be Kathleen Hellen. Help craft a community through poetry, and come prepared with questions; the reading will be followed by a Q&A session!    Dr. Hellen is the author of the collection “Umberto’s Night,” winner of the Jean Feldman Poetry Prize from Washington Writers' Publishing House, and two chapbooks, “The Girl Who Loved Mothra” and “Pentimento.”  Call 443-602-7585.  Go to http://www.redemmas.org.  

55] – Join the National Campaign for Nonviolent Resistance in an Inaugural Action on January 20, 2017.  According to Forbes Magazine, Nov. 9, 2016, “President Trump Is Likely To Boost U.S. Military Spending By $500 Billion To $1 Trillion.” So we need a strong presence in D.C. for the inauguration to call for an end to all warfare, including drone warfare.  NCNR is organizing an action of nonviolent civil resistance on the day of the inauguration, Friday, January 20.  Some of us will be risking arrest, and we need others there in support and solidarity.  We will meet in the lower level food court at Union Station at 10 AM on the day of the inauguration for our final planning meeting.  We will have a final planning meeting knowing we have to keep things fluid because there is no certainty as to what will happen that day.

 The idea will be to process as near as possible to a checkpoint and make us visible to the crowds.  Then perhaps we can do a die-in.  We will have model drones, coffins, signs, banners, and leaflets to get our message across.  If you have ideas on messaging, please share over email.  Again, this will be a very fluid experience, and we will come together and make decisions as we go along. Contact Max at 410-323-1607 or mobuszewski at Verizon dot net.

56] – Ellen Thomas [et@prop1.org or 202-210-3886 (cell and text)] sent this message: Hi, good friends and (hopefully) fellow photographers! There are so many great stories in the photos of the antinuclear vigil in front of the White House from 1981 to 2016 - see my growing collection at https://drive.google.com/drive/folders/0B0FRCou5r5zOQk5JbHlTWWYwbHc.  If you have any photos or stories you think should be added, please send them to me <et@prop1.org> or post them on Facebook at https://www.facebook.com/groups/Thomas.Memorial/. 

57] --
The Washington Peace Center has a progressive calendar & activist alert! Consider signing up to receive its weekly email: info@washingtonpeacecenter.org.

58] -- If you would like to get rid of books, videos, DVDs or records, contact Max at 410-323-1607 or mobuszewski at verizon.net.

59] -- Can you use any book shelves? Contact Max at 410-366-1637 or mobuszewski at verizon.net.

60] -- Join an extraordinary global campaign for the elimination of nuclear weapons: http://www.globalzero.org/sign-declaration. A growing group of leaders around the world is calling for the elimination of nuclear weapons and a majority of the global public agrees.  This is an historic window of opportunity.  With momentum already building in favor of Zero, a major show of support from people around the world could tip the balance. When it comes to nuclear weapons, one is one too many.

61] – A Peace Park Antinuclear Vigil takes place every day in Lafayette Park, 1601 Pennsylvania Ave. NW, 24 hours a day, since June 3, 1981. Go to http://prop1.org; call 202-682-4282.

Donations can be sent to the Baltimore Nonviolence Center, 325 E. 25th St., Baltimore, MD 21218.  Ph: 410-366-1637; Email: mobuszewski [at] verizon.net. Go to http://baltimorenonviolencecenter.blogspot.com/.


“One is called to live nonviolently, even if the change one works for seems impossible. It may or may not be possible to turn the US around through nonviolent revolution. But one thing favors such an attempt: the total inability of violence to change anything for the better" - Daniel Berrigan  

This Is the End of Syria

Published on Alternet (http://www.alternet.org)

This Is the End of Syria

By Vijay Prashad [1] / AlterNet [2]
November 30, 2016
1

  The Syrian Arab Army is now within sight of taking back all of Aleppo. For several years now, the eastern part of Aleppo – one of Syria’s oldest and most beautiful cities – has been in the hands of the armed opposition. The western part has been in the hands of the Syrian government. Now with the Syrian army hastily taking the Hanano as well as Jabal Badro and Baadeen districts, the corridor used by the opposition fighters to resupply them from the Syrian countryside and from across the Turkish border is now substantially closed. Apart from small pockets of hardened resistance, the bulk of Aleppo will soon be in the hands of the government.

   Several factors came together to make the assault on the eastern part of Aleppo possible. It was not the presence of Hezbollah and the Iraqi and Iranian militias nor was it the presence of Russian air support that made the difference for the Syrian army. These assets had been available to the Syrian government for several years now. There had been no appetite to use them previously. Attacks had been made on eastern Aleppo, but nothing of the scale as has been seen now – nor with the ferocity and speed with which the Syrian army moves to close the corridor out of eastern Aleppo. Civilian casualties are certainly high, and so too have been the attacks on key infrastructure in this part of the city. The Syrian army is now attacking not to put pressure on the armed opposition, but to defeat it.

   The thrust to take all of Aleppo came for other – mainly three - reasons, says a well-informed contact in the Syrian armed forces. These three reasons are the withdrawal of Turkish support for the armed opposition, the collapse of the Western-backed rebels in southern Syria and the Iraqi-Western push against ISIS in Mosul.

1.   Turkey’s withdrawal: The main reason for the Syrian army’s thrust, says my contact, is that the Turkish government has withdrawn its material support for the armed opposition inside Aleppo. Essential supplies from the Gulf Arab states and from Turkey had come across the border crossing at Azaz. Turkey had hoped in the early years of the civil war that the government of Bashar al-Assad would fall and that some of its allies – perhaps in the Syrian Muslim Brotherhood – would come to power in Damascus. But the government did not fall. Instead the blowback from the Syrian civil war slipped into Turkey. Three main events took place that ended the appetite in Turkey for regime change in Syria. First, the renewed war between the Turkish state and its Kurdish minority which was sparked off after the July 2015 suicide bombing in Suruc and which has now put much of eastern Turkey into a state of permanent curfew and low-intensity war. Turkey’s worry that the growth of a Kurdish state on Syria’s northern border – Rojava – would drive home the argument for Kurdish secessionism, something anathema to the Turkish state. Second, the July 2016 failed coup attempt against the Turkish government – with overtones of support for the plotters by the United States – has soured Turkey’s relations with the West. Noises in the European Union about human rights abuses in Turkey have further alienated Turkey from the West. Third, the September 2015 Russian intervention into Turkey has ended all possibility of regime change. Turkish policy had to shift. It launched Operation Euphrates Shield to clear out Kurdish fighters – who had been fighting ISIS – from the border region, including from the Azaz border crossing with Syria. Proxies of the Gulf Arabs and Turkey found, as a consequence of the border closure, it difficult to be resupplied. This was a major advantage for the Syrian government.

2.   Collapse of the Southern Front. The West – particularly the United States – has long recognized that the armed opposition supported by the Gulf Arabs and Turkey are closely linked with one form or another of radical extremism. None of these fighting brigades could credibly be called ‘moderate.’ Which is why over the course of these five years, the Obama administration has been loathe to launch an attack on Damascus, says a staff member of the White House’s National Security Council. Over the past few years, there has been some hope that a Southern Front could be crafted from Jordan and seeded into Daraa, where the allies of the ‘moderates’ were said – in 2015 – to control more than half of the governorate. By September of this year, it became clear that the Southern Front has fallen apart. Evidence that the Southern Front had been re-selling US delivered arms to the Yarmouk Martyrs Brigade, which had close ties to ISIS, soured US support for the Southern Front itself. Reports from the field showed CIA officers unhappy with the people who were part of the Front. Lack of confidence from their main backers – the West – revived tensions within the Front. One of its main constituents, the Syrian Revolutionary Front, faced a leadership crisis. The old al-Qaeda group – Jabhat al-Nusra – had renamed itself Jabhat Fateh al-Sham to attempt to rebrand itself as a nationalist formation. Its leadership – namely Saleh al-Hamwi – called for a new leadership in the Syrian Revolutionary Front, to depose the more nationalist minded leaders and substitute them for Islamists. This was the final blow to the attempt to create a ‘moderate’ force against the Damascus government. No longer is there a serious threat to the Assad government from the south. It became free to launch a major assault on Aleppo.

3.   Battle for Mosul (Iraq): Finally, the Iraqi government – fully backed by the West – launched a major attack on ISIS-controlled Mosul in Iraq. This was on 21 October 2016. A week later, the Syrian government opened up its own offensive in Aleppo. My Syrian interlocutor who is in the armed forces told me that there were two reasons for the push in November. The first is that the government knew that the attack on eastern Aleppo would bring heavy casualties. They calculated that the Iraqi-Western push into Mosul would also produce a large number of casualties. The West would, therefore, have to be more forgiving of the Syrian advance given that there is no possibility of taking a city without great hardship and death. The French desire to have UN Security Council action to prevent the final push by the Syrian Army will amount to little. The second reason is that once the West helps the Iraqis to take Mosul, they will make a dash for Raqqa. The Syrian army wants to take Aleppo and then turn its energy towards Raqqa. It does not want to see Western and Turkish forces take Aleppo – under the guise of the War on Terror – and then have a strong hand in any negotiation table. Calls to partition Syria would weaken Damascus’ hold if the West were in control of a major Syrian city. This was the thinking of sections of the Syrian military.

   Taking Aleppo and even Raqqa will not settle the conflict that has been ongoing for five years. What does it even mean to say ‘take Aleppo’? Other cities and towns that are now in the government’s control are not secure at all. Syria’s economy has been cleaved by the war, with militia groups now running checkpoint to hustle for cash rather than to produce security. In the aftermath of a war, when weakness of the state is the general condition, the typical outcome is to collapse into warlordism of the pettiest kind. It is what has befallen Libya. The government cannot easily ‘take back’ the areas that were out of its control. There will be lingering political problems, deep resentment of different kinds and the enfranchisement of local militias who are going to be very hard to disarm.
Terrible violence has broken Syrian – fragmented the country and produced an economy and a society that is deeply divided. It is not uncommon to hear rebels of the more civic variety ask, shu istafadna? (What have we gained?). Great despondency is the hour. Fear of what comes next pervades all sections – even those who are deeply pro-government. They know that this civil war has picked the scab of older tensions – between urban and rural Syria, between Sunni and Alawi, between the rich and the poor. Old banned newspapers – such as al-Nazir –used to use horrid sectarian language against the Alawis, but that language is now on the surface. One might be forgiven for forgetting the 1980 uprising in Aleppo against the Ba’ath party, led largely by sections of the clergy. They hated the secularism of the regime, but also they attracted people who found the economy turbulent and the compromises on Israel and the occupation in Lebanon distasteful. The Syrian Army crushed that revolt, appeared to compromise with the opposition and then dispatched them to the prison in Tadmur (the old city of Palmyra). Unknown numbers were killed in the jails.

   At that time the Syrian government blamed the Muslim Brotherhood, the old feudal lords who lost their land in the 1963 land reforms, the Israelis, the Egyptians, the Iraqis, the Jordanians and the United States. It is perfectly likely that some of these sections participated in trying to destabilize Syria. Evidence is unclear, but it is not outside the work ethic of these powers to meddle in Syria. This is why the journalist Patrick Searle called Syria the ‘mirror of rival interests.’ In this conflict, as well, the Syrian government blames outsiders for trying to break Syria. There is no doubt that both in 1980 and over these past five years, regional powers with Western backing have attempted to overthrow the Assad government. But the problem does not only lie with these outsiders. Internal contradictions will remain alive and well. Syria did not tackle these effectively in the aftermath of the 1980 uprising in Aleppo. It had a second edition – in Hama in 1982, which was crushed with great brutality. This civil war will not end unless Syria is able to handle these internal contradictions. Extreme violence cannot overcome them. It will require a great deal of effort to revive the lifeblood of Syrian nationalism, to bring unity to people divided deeply and now with blood as the moat between them.

  Vijay Prashad is professor of international studies at Trinity College in Hartford, Connecticut. He is the author of 18 books, including Arab Spring, Libyan Winter (AK Press, 2012), The Poorer Nations: A Possible History of the Global South (Verso, 2013) and The Death of a Nation and the Future of the Arab Revolution (University of California Press, 2016). His columns appear at AlterNet every Wednesday.

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"The master class has always declared the wars; the subject class has always fought the battles. The master class has had all to gain and nothing to lose, while the subject class has had nothing to gain and everything to lose--especially their lives." Eugene Victor Debs

Barrett Brown Leaves Prison Still Chained to a Crime He Didn't Commit


Barrett Brown enjoys an Egg McMuffin after being released from prison. (photo: FreeBarrettBrown/Twitter)
Barrett Brown enjoys an Egg McMuffin after being released from prison. (photo: FreeBarrettBrown/Twitter)

Barrett Brown Leaves Prison Still Chained to a Crime He Didn't Commit

By Dell Cameron, The Daily Dot
30 November 16

   Dallas-based journalist Barrett Brown walked free from prison on Tuesday morning after spending more than four years behind bars.

  The 35-year-old cause célèbre, convicted in January 2015 after spending more than two years in pretrial confinement, faces a laundry list of post-release restrictions and obligations, including drug treatment, mental health evaluations, and computer monitoring. After departing the Three Rivers federal correctional institution in San Antonio, where Brown continued his work as a writer over the past year, publishing award-winning essays at D Magazine and the Intercept, he will report to a halfway house in Hutchins, Texas, before 4pm CT.

   Brown has been ordered to continue paying at least $200 every month to Stratfor, the Austin-based intelligence firm, over the devastating cyberattack that nearly crippled the company five years ago. While Brown had no foreknowledge of the security breach—which, despite popular belief, occurred more than a month prior to the involvement of Anonymous hacker Jeremy Hammond and his AntiSec crew—Brown is nevertheless stuck paying $890,250 in restitution for a computer crime he had neither the skillset nor the inclination to carry out himself.

   An offbeat agitator, Brown is what David Carr, the late New York Times journalist, described as “a pretty complicated victim.” His case, at its core, was often a battle over the identity of the man himself: Whereas the United States government went to great lengths in court to portray Brown and Anonymous as two sides of the same coin, his supporters (Noam Chomsky, Cory Doctorow, and the late Michael Ratner among them) saw him rather as a cocky, freewheeling journalist with anarchic views about transparency. 

  Brown’s eagerness to uncover the U.S. government’s dealings with private security and intelligence contractors led to frequent exchanges with criminal hackers (while, incidentally, under FBI surveillance) and placed him perilously close to the national security investigation into WikiLeaks, which is ongoing to this day.

   Brown was convicted in a Dallas federal courtroom in January 2015, after accepting a plea bargain that significantly reduced his potential prison sentence. The charges to which he pleaded guilty stemmed from an after-the-fact involvement in the Stratfor hack, and a YouTube video in which he appeared to threaten an FBI agent. While charges related to the theft of Stratfor’s credit card data had been tossed out nearly a year before his sentencing began, the financial impact the company endured at the hands of Anonymous continued to play a major role in Brown’s prosecution.

   Armed with a litany of terrible metaphors, U.S. attorney Candina Heath proceeded to paint Brown as “someone who knowingly stole and distributed credit card information,” to quote D Magazine reporting from the courtroom. “It doesn’t matter the number of hands it passes as long as they know it’s stolen property,” she said, referring to the Stratfor documents obtained by AntiSec, which had been widely circulated online by the time Brown acquired them.

   The U.S. government’s position, Heath said, was that Brown, by copying and pasting a hyperlink in a chatroom, had done the “same thing” as the hackers who had actually infiltrated the company and stolen thousands of credit cards, which they used—and Brown did not—to allegedly rack up more than $700,000 in fraudulent charges. “Regardless of whether or not it had been made public by somebody else,” Heath told the court, “Mr. Brown took material, data, credit card information that he understood to be stolen and purposefully trafficked in it to another location for other people to use.”
The prosecution admitted it had no evidence that anyone who clicked on the link shared by Brown had stolen any money. The “other people” to whom Heath referred were an army of amateur researchers with whom Brown had begun to collaborate with in chat rooms by late 2011, dissecting the various batches of stolen emails Anonymous routinely dumped in bulk online. By that time, Brown had repeatedly sought to disassociate himself from Anonymous. He had publicly disavowed the hacking collective on several occasions up to three years before his conviction and had founded his own organization, Project PM, to suit likeminded digital activists.

  To many journalists, both in the U.S. and abroad, the government’s insistence that Brown had committed a crime by simply sharing an already broadly disseminated URL was staggering. The case was often depicted in the press as having potentially far-reaching consequences for journalists and researchers who regularly receive and pore over hacked material. Even more troubling was the government’s attempt in 2013 to silence Brown while he was behind bars, at one point seeking a court order to prevent him from publishing articles while in custody.

   Chat logs published by the Dot in the weeks leading up to the final hearing, which were sealed by a court order in the Southern District of New York, showed that Brown and the Stratfor hackers were not exactly the compadres the prosecution made them out to be. AntiSec, it turned out, viewed Brown primarily as a disruptive outsider throughout its monthlong attack. “You have nothing to do with this operation,” Hammond, who is serving the remainder of a 10-year sentence for his involvement in the Stratfor hack, once told Brown during a heated online encounter. Brown signed off telling Hammond, “Fuck yourself.”

  In a secured chatroom, absent Brown, which the FBI had been monitoring for more than a month, Hammond and his crew discussed ways in which they could attack Brown’s credibility and tarnish his reputation. The hackers entertained plans to cripple his communications network, and, at one point, even proposed dumping a batch of stolen credit cards online under his name. 

  When the government introduced more than 500 pages of chat logs at Brown’s initial sentencing hearing, however, it excluded documents from the Stratfor hack that challenged the prosecution’s version of events, remaining firm in its conviction that Brown had played a major part in the attack. Delivering yet another bad metaphor, Heath likened Brown’s involvement to “somebody stealing your car” after it had already been stolen. By sharing a link to Stratfor’s stolen data, Brown had stolen it further, Heath argued, to the dismay of reporters seated in the courtroom.

   A rarely reported fact: Stratfor’s credit card databases had been picked clean by a hacker unaffiliated with Anonymous months prior to the group’s involvement in early December 2011. Likewise, Stratfor had been thoroughly infiltrated well before Brown was even aware of the breach. Furthermore, a confidential forensic report concerning Stratfor’s systems—leaked to the Daily Dot and published more than two years ago—reveals a catastrophic-level of negligence on the part of the company itself.

   A Verizon security team, contracted to audit Stratfor’s servers in January 2012, found that only three out of 12 mandated fraud prevention requirements had been met. Eight of the nine security requirements not met by Stratfor directly contributed to the breach, the researchers found. The firm’s corporate environment and e-commerce environment were not properly segregated as they should have been; there was no anti-virus solution deployed on any of the systems reviewed by investigators; and the company’s stored customer data was not protected with industry-standard encryption.

   “In light of a confirmed system breach,” Verizon reported, “it should be noted that several distinct vulnerabilities and network configurations existed that allowed this breach and subsequent data compromise to occur.” Stratfor, asleep at the wheel, offered the hackers something even more enticing: a high-level administrator account that had, inexplicably, never been secured with a password. In June 2012, only six months after the hack, Stratfor quietly settled a class-action lawsuit with its customers to the tune of $1.75 million.

   Brown, whose first stop after prison was for an Egg McMuffin, could not be immediately reached for comment. 

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Donations can be sent to the Baltimore Nonviolence Center, 325 E. 25th St., Baltimore, MD 21218.  Ph: 410-323-1607; Email: mobuszewski [at] verizon.net. Go to http://baltimorenonviolencecenter.blogspot.com/

"The master class has always declared the wars; the subject class has always fought the battles. The master class has had all to gain and nothing to lose, while the subject class has had nothing to gain and everything to lose--especially their lives." Eugene Victor Debs