Monday, July 4, 2016

CIA Knew It Had the Wrong Man, but Kept Him Anyway

German of Lebanese descent Khaleed al Masri reads German newspapers covering his arrest by the CIA in Stuttgart, Germany, on Dec. 6, 2005. (photo: Thomas Kienzle/AP)
German of Lebanese descent Khaleed al Masri reads German newspapers covering his arrest by the CIA in Stuttgart, Germany, on Dec. 6, 2005. (photo: Thomas Kienzle/AP)

CIA Knew It Had the Wrong Man, but Kept Him Anyway

By Matthew Schofield, McClatchy DC
03 July 16

 By January of 2004, when German citizen Khaleed al Masri arrived at the Central Intelligence Agency’s secret prison in Afghanistan, agency officials were pretty sure he wasn’t a terrorist. They also knew he didn’t know any terrorists, or much about anything in the world of international terror.

    In short, they suspected they’d nabbed the wrong man.

   Still, the agency continued to imprison and interrogate him, according to a recently released internal CIA report on Masri’s arrest. The report claims that Masri suffered no physical abuse during his wrongful imprisonment, though it acknowledges that for months he was kept in a “small cell with some clothing, bedding and a bucket for his waste.” Masri says he was tortured, specifically that a medical examination against his will constituted sodomy.

  The embarrassing, and horrifying, case of Masri is hardly new. It has been known for a decade as a colossal example of CIA error in the agency’s pursuit of terrorists during the administration of President George W. Bush.

   But the recently released internal report makes it clear that the CIA’s failures in the Masri case were even more outrageous than previous accounts have suggested.
The report is heavily redacted – whole pages are blank – and the names of those involved have been removed. But enough is there to give a good understanding of what happened and what went wrong.

   Adding to the sense of injustice: Even though the agency realized early on that Masri was the wrong man, it couldn’t figure out how to release him without having to acknowledge its mistake. The agency eventually dumped him unceremoniously in Albania and essentially pretended his arrest and detention had never happened.

   The release of the report, which is 90 pages long and was written in July 2007, came in June after a Freedom of Information Act suit by the American Civil Liberties Union, which is representing Masri in his decade-long attempt to get an official apology from the United States.

Officials most responsible were promoted

   Assembled by the CIA’s inspector general, the report provides the clearest official view to date into the dark, murky world of the Bush administration’s anti-terror rendition program. Beyond snatching an innocent man and holding him for five months, the report highlights a shocking lack of professionalism at America’s top spy agency. The Hollywood cliché of deeply devoted patriots doing their best to protect the United States appears, in this case, to have been replaced by a classic bureaucratic mess and individuals most intent on protecting their own careers.

   The report notes that Masri was “questioned in English, which he spoke only poorly.”
None of the Americans involved in Masri’s detention has been held to account, notes Masri’s attorney, Jamil Dakwar, the director of the American Civil Liberties Union’s Human Rights Program. Indeed, the two men most responsible for the errors were promoted. Meanwhile, Dakwar said, Masri is haunted to this day by the psychological torture inflicted by his detention in the CIA’s secret Afghan holding center and by the stigma of having been snatched in a CIA anti-terror investigation.

   The tale has important lessons for the country, where one of the two leading presidential candidates, Donald Trump, has promised to reinstate the use of torture against terrorism suspects and the Obama administration has declined to punish anyone for the excesses of the Bush-era rendition program.

   “When you start a program shrouded in secrecy that pushes the line on human rights, nobody should be surprised that we see this result,” Dakwar said. He added that the presidential authority given for the program under which Masri was nabbed required the CIA “to satisfy a very low bar of proof. In this case, they admit they knew at the time that they didn’t reach even that bar.”

Detention due to ‘a series of breakdowns’

   In the case of Masri, the inspector general’s report is sweeping in its condemnation of the failures that took place throughout the agency’s hierarchy, blaming the mishandling of his arrest and detention on “a series of breakdowns in tradecraft, process, management and oversight.”

   The report lists the failures: “The lack of rigor in justifying action against an individual suspected of terrorist connections; the lack of understanding of the legal requirements of detention and rendition; the lack of guidance provided to officers making critical operations decisions with significant international implications; and the lack of management oversight.”

   It offered a particularly harsh judgment of Alec Station, the CIA unit charged with tracking down Osama bin Laden after the Sept. 11, 2001, terror attacks in the United States.

   “ALEC Station exaggerated the nature of the data it possessed linking al Masri to terrorism. After the decision had been made to repatriate al Masri, implementation was marked by delay and bureaucratic infighting,” the report says.

   The report notes that all agency attorneys interviewed agreed that Masri did not meet the legal standard for rendition and detention, which required that a suspect be deemed a threat. In Masri’s case, it was thought only that he “knows key information that could assist in the capture of other al Qaida operatives.”

   Despite the fact that the CIA was unable to find any evidence tying Masri to an al Qaida operative in Sudan, which had been the initial suspicion, two agents “justified their commitment to his continued detention, despite the diminishing rationale, by insisting that they knew he was ‘bad.’ ”

   None of the Americans involved in Masri’s detention has been held to account.
In his response to the report at the time, included in the released document, CIA acting General Counsel John Rizzo offered a weak defense of the agency’s actions, saying it was possible officials “simply could have made – during a period of intense, frenetic activity in CTC – a mistake.” CTC is the agency’s Counterterrorism Center, which coordinates the CIA’s anti-terrorism activities.

Passport went unexamined for months

  The inspector general’s recitation of CIA errors begins with the initial decision to hold Masri without attempting to verify the premise on which he was detained: the suspicion by Macedonian security agents that he was an al Qaida operative traveling on a false German passport.

   But no one at the CIA bothered to look at his passport until three months into his detention, when an officer who’d interviewed Masri found the passport and more of his personal effects in an unopened pouch on the desk of another officer.

   The official CIA chronology of the detention says the passport was then sent to agency experts, who “promptly determined that al Masri’s German passport was genuine.” A short time later, “CIA determined it had no basis to justify the continued detention of al Masri.”

   Yet Masri’s detention continued for two more months, and it was almost that long before CIA officers told Masri they planned to release him.

    Even before the agency learned that Masri’s passport was genuine, according to the report, a CIA officer whose name and title have been redacted from the report had concluded there was a “lack of compelling intelligence to warrant al Masri’s continued detention as a terrorist.” The officer “requested ALEC Station/CTC Headquarters concurrence to release al Masri.”

   Instead, the two units suggested “additional areas of questioning” because they “could not resolve the issue of his terrorist affiliation.”

   The report notes at one point that the CIA considered transferring Masri to the U.S. military as a “force protection threat” but decided against it because without confirmation that he was an al Qaida member, the U.S. military was likely to release him “within hours.”

   Indeed, throughout the rest of March and into April, while Masri languished: “Agency components continued to disagree about the exit strategy.” In other words, they were worried about how to release him.

Top officials briefed on Masri

   It was not a topic left only to underlings.

  In May, CIA officials including then-Director George Tenet met to discuss Masri. Later that month, then-Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice was briefed, and said Masri “should be repatriated quickly.”

    A final cable notes they “did not find any information linking him or his customers with known terrorist individuals or organizations.” It isn’t clear what the term “customers” is referring to, though Masri had worked as a grocer and a mechanic.

    Agents in the field were told to tell Masri he was to be released “to help mitigate his frustration and anger.” They dropped him off in Albania and told him to make his way back to Germany. Dakwar notes that that is the last official communication Masri has had with the United States.

    Masri received $80,000 from Macedonia for his mistreatment by its security personnel, a payment ordered by the European Court of Human Rights. He’s seeking an apology from the United States before the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights.

“This is the very least President Obama can do . . . before leaving office,” Dakwar wrote recently on the ACLU’s website.

C 2015 Reader Supported News

Donations can be sent to the Baltimore Nonviolence Center, 325 E. 25th St., Baltimore, MD 21218.  Ph: 410-323-1607; Email: mobuszewski [at] verizon.net. Go to http://baltimorenonviolencecenter.blogspot.com/

"The master class has always declared the wars; the subject class has always fought the battles. The master class has had all to gain and nothing to lose, while the subject class has had nothing to gain and everything to lose--especially their lives." Eugene Victor Debs


Sunday, July 3, 2016

The Free State of Jones

The Free State of Jones


Louis Proyect

Tuesday, June 28, 2016
Louis Proyect: The Unrepentant Marxist
https://portside.org/sites/default/files/styles/medium/public/field/image/jones7216.jpg?itok=upFklKW3

   Like last year’s “Trumbo”, “The Free State of Jones” is guaranteed to earn my vote for best film of 2016 for its combination of film-making genius and political commitment. If “Trumbo” might have been a success with someone other than Bryan Cranston in the title role, it was his presence that made you feel like you were watching the legendary screenwriter himself rather than an actor. Matthew McConaughey elevates “The Free State of Jones” in the same way. Present in every scene, he is utterly convincing as the anti-secessionist guerrilla leader who was the walking embodiment of what Noel Ignatiev called the Race Traitor.
Written and directed by Gary Ross, “The Free State of Jones” is everything that the overhyped “12 Years a Slave” and “Django Unchained” were not. It is an honest attempt to engage with the historical period it portrays even if it takes liberties with the events surrounding the rebellion of Newton Knight. As I will point out later in this article, they made for a more powerful film with a singular vision even if the truth was sacrificed.

    After covering the film, I will discuss the actual historical record contained in Victoria Bynum’s “The Free State of Jones”, upon which the film was based. While hardly a film to be taken seriously, I will also say a few things about “Tap Roots”, the 1948 film based on Mississippi journalist James Street’s novel of the same title that was a loose adaptation of the Newton Knight story. The film is entirely forgettable if not unbearable, as well as a symbol of Hollywood’s racism, even when it decided to make a film based on ostensibly anti-racist material.
We first meet Newton Knight in a bloody battle that is about as graphic as any Hollywood film I have seen since “Saving Private Ryan”. Serving as a medic, Knight is overwhelmed by the severed limbs and ruptured abdomens that are beyond any doctor’s ability to treat. When the battle subsides, he meets up with men from Jones County who have ended up in the same regiment as him, a common feature of the bond of geography and ideology in both North and South.

   When Knight learns that soldiers who own “20 Negros” are being sent home to look after their properties, he is in disbelief. Like most men from Jones County, he owned nothing but the log cabin he lived in and the hogs and corn field he looked after. They were yeoman farmers with almost no class interest in dying on behalf of the plantation owners who seceded from the Union. As the cry went up from the guerrilla movement, they saw it as a “Rich Man’s War and a Poor Man’s Fight”.

   When a conscripted teenaged nephew is soon killed in another battle, he resolves to take the dead body back to Jones County where he can get a proper burial even if this means being charged with desertion.

   Back on native ground, Knight soon becomes a target of local Confederate law enforcement for both being a deserter and interceding on behalf of neighbors who have been forced to turn over corn and pigs to the army as part of a hated wartime tax. When they pursue him with bloodhounds, he manages to find refuge in the swamp with a band of runaway slaves. He is led to them by a slave named Rachel (Gugu Mbatha-Raw) who eventually becomes both his lover and a spy for the pro-Union armed struggle Knight will lead.

   As the class conflict between poor farmers and armed Confederate tax-in-kind agents deepens, Knight decides that the only recourse is to build a popular resistance based in the swamp that the enemy’s horses cannot negotiate. Once they settle in, their headquarters becomes a staging ground for raids on the Confederate troops and the slave-owners whose interests they protect. It also becomes a place where their yeoman values are implemented in a kind of rough-hewn commune. Runaway slaves are treated as equals and when they are not, Newton Knight steps in to defend them against racism.

   Seen in terms of genre, “The Free State of Jones” follows in the footsteps of “The Adventures of Robin Hood”, the 1938 vehicle for Errol Flynn, and the more recent “Braveheart”. When it comes to battles between yeoman farmers and an oppressive, bloodsucking elite, it is natural to cheer for the underdog. The Sheriff of Nottingham to Newton Knight’s Robin Hood is one Lieutenant Barbour who views the pro-Union guerrillas as the lowest scum on earth, particularly as race traitors. Another villain is James Eakins, the plantation owner who beats Rachel for the offense of eavesdropping on his daughters’ spelling lessons. Her only desire is to become literate, a crime in the eyes of the Mississippi slave masters.

  The film tracks the battles between Knight’s militia and Confederate troops sent in to smash them and restore law and order in Jones County. Before each battle, Knight rallies the troops in speeches that are a mixture of scripture and Jeffersonian yeoman values. His commitment to racial and social equality continues even after the Civil War is over. He takes the side of former slaves as they exercise their right to vote even after it becomes obvious that the South will remain as oppressive as ever. His only recourse is to live among people, both Black and white, who share his values in the outskirts of the village of Soso in Jones County. If Mississippi and the USA for that matter choose segregation, he persists in building counter-institutions that correspond to his democratic and anti-racist values including the right of people to love each other whatever the color of their skin.

   As a subplot that is thematically related but historically problematic, we see crosscuts to the trial of Davis Knight in 1948. He was the great-grandson of Newton Knight who was charged with violating the Mississippi’s anti-miscegenation laws. Not only is he a symbol of the ongoing fight against racism but a reminder that the Deep South was a deeply segregated place until recently. If Jim Crow disappeared in the 1960s, you cannot help but be reminded of the more recent period when cops can act like the KKK wearing a badge.

  Before becoming a film-maker, Gary Ross worked on the presidential campaigns of Ted Kennedy, Michael Dukakis and Bill Clinton. One might assume that there is a connection between his 2012 “The Hunger Games” and his most recent film, since both include protagonists taking on evil plutocrats. As it happens, the new film is based on American history even if Ross takes liberties.

   Ross probably was conscious of rewriting a history that he was intimately familiar with. In an interview [1] with Slash film, he describes his engagement with the Civil War scholarship:

   It was a tremendous amount of research. I don’t think I did anything but read for a couple of years. And I mean scores of books. I was a visiting fellow at Harvard for a couple of years. I studied under the tutelage of a professor there named John Stauffer, who was head of the American Civilization Department. I spent a lot of time in Jones County visiting it and meeting the local people and getting the local flavor and doing kind of a visceral history.

   He even understood that a version of the traditional happy ending for “The Free State of Jones” would have been a much worse falsification of history than any liberties he took with the events described in the film:

   Well, you know, that version would have been the white savior movie. That version would have been, “Oh, there’s a triumphant victory, and everything is fine,” and we tie it up with a Hollywood bow and there’s a happy ending. But we all know there wasn’t a happy ending. No sooner was technical emancipation granted than the former Confederates got their land and their power back and began passing laws which were called The Black Codes that were a form of re-enslavement and driving people back to the plantation, driving freed men back to the plantation.

    If Victoria Bynum’s “The Free State of Jones” is a benchmark for the film’s veracity, it gets high marks in many ways. First and foremost, it describes the social conditions of the county’s yeoman farmers accurately. These were people who relied heavily on the animals they raised and the corn they used to feed them, without which they faced certain ruin. Ross creates a world in his film that evokes the Piney Woods region of Mississippi that was inhospitable to cotton growing and as such made the rise of an agrarian bourgeoisie impossible.

    Who were these remarkable people who went against the values of the slave-owners? Considering the stereotypical view of white Southerners that persists to this day, Gary Ross deserves to be honored for telling the kind of story that was not even found in Howard Zinn’s “People’s History of the United States”. The name of Newton Knight does not appear at all.

   The Knight family came from North Carolina, where they were small farmers and forced to seek new land in the deep south after tobacco plantations gobbled up most of the available land. Their ancestors were members of the Regulator Movement that was one of the first armed resistances to British rule in the colonies. Suffering from onerous taxation, they took up arms against the wealthy. In other words, it was exactly the kind of fight they would pursue decades later in Mississippi.

   While it is probably unreadable, Jimmy Carter wrote a historical novel titled “The Hornet’s Nest” that was a tribute to the Regulator Movement. The NY Times reviewed it in 2003:

  ”The Hornet’s Nest,” according to the book’s acknowledgments, was seven years in the making. And it’s somewhat sensational title refers not to Washington or Congress or even Camp David, but instead to an obscure and ferocious enclave of northern Georgia partisans and militiamen in the Revolutionary War, a guerrilla-like group to which, in his recent memoir, ”An Hour Before Daylight,” Carter says several of his ancestors belonged.

   Another important element in the film that is consistent with Bynum’s book is the prominent role played by women as auxiliary fighters in Jones County. In one dramatic highlight, Newton Knight arms a mother and her two young daughters and steels their nerves to hold off a band of Confederate soldiers who come to their farm to carry off livestock and crops.

   From the point of view of law and order in Jones County, the women were as much of a threat as the men especially Rachel, who was a fighter for Black emancipation as well as Newton Knight’s lover. Where Gary Ross took considerable liberties was making her the slave of the aforementioned villainous James Eakins whereas in fact she was actually his grandfather Jackie Knight’s slave. Despite his connections to the Regulator Movement, Jackie Knight had no problems adopting the mode of production that made the white race ready to fight for its survival. While by no means as wealthy as the big agrarian bourgeoisie, Jackie Knight had left yeomanry long behind him.

    Another liberty taken with historical accuracy was the portrayal of Davis Knight as willing to go to prison for the love of his life. In reality, Davis Knight was interested in one thing and one thing only, to establish his white identity. Given the hell of Mississippi segregation, his decision was understandable.

    What is more difficult to understand is the effort of Newton Knight’s ancestors to portray him as indifferent to Black lives and—worse—a common brigand. His son Thomas wrote a book titled “The Life and Activities of Captain Newton Knight” that embraced his Unionist stand but said nothing about his close ties to African-Americans. His grandniece Ethel Knight went much further. In 1951 she published “The Echo of the Black Horn”, a violent screed that accused him of being a thieving traitor to the glorious Confederate cause. Above all, she hated him for loving Rachel Knight—the act of a race traitor.

   Unlike John Brown, Newton Knight was not an abolitionist prophet. His main grievance was effectively “taxation without representation” since he regarded the Confederacy as illegal. Would he have had a different attitude if he had been a man of property? Maybe so. At least he should be given credit for putting his life on the line for the principles that the Republic stood for, even if the Constitution regarded Blacks as only three-fifths of a man.

    Ultimately the salient message of “The Free State of Jones” is that class trumps race. In the left’s perpetual engagement with the central conundrum of American politics, there is a tendency to lose track of what motivates whites to make common cause with Blacks. One of the most important points made in Victoria Bynum’s book is the importance of class during the Civil War for the people of Jones County that continued into the 20th century.

    Abandoned by the Republican Party after the end of Reconstruction, the pro-Unionist yeoman farmers of Jones County were naturally drawn to the Populist Party that essentially reflected their class interests. In 1892 20 percent of Jones County voters cast their ballot for James Weaver, the Populist Party’s presidential candidate.

    The most prominent leaders of the party in Jones County were the sons of Jasper and Riley Collins, two of Newton Knight’s leading lieutenants. At the statewide convention in 1895, they were elected delegates from Jones County. The racist Democratic Party press assailed the Populists as “disgruntled and disappointed office seekers” who hoped to seduce “Republicans and negroes” into voting for its candidates. It also identified them with Radical Republicanism during Reconstruction and warned that “the bottom rail will never be on top again in Mississippi.”

  Like Thomas and Ethel Knight, the Populists eventually succumbed to racist pressures and abandoned their natural allies. As a sign of the confused politics of the Deep South, poor farmers voted for a bigot like Theodore Bilbo who backed progressive economic measures with racist invective.
James Street was a native Mississippian who grew up near Jones County and hated racial injustice but valued his Southern heritage. As such, it was natural for him to explore the Newton Knight story and turn it into a novel loosely based on his exploits. Wikipedia has a highly revealing story on his most unusual death:
Street died of a heart attack in Chapel Hill, N.C., on September 28, 1954, at age 50.

   He was in Chapel Hill to present awards for excellence in radio broadcasting at a banquet, for which the main speaker was a “Reporter From the Pentagon” (as described by Scott Jarrad, a radio journalist who was to receive an award, who did not give the man’s name). According to Jarrad, the “Reporter from the Pentagon” made a pure power politics argument in favor of preventive war against the Communist nations. Street, who was to present the awards, speaking after that main address, vehemently attacked the position put forward by the “Reporter from the Pentagon,” in a spontaneous rant Jarrad described as “an explosion,” laced with mild profanity; “in a word, he was magnificent.”

    Following that rant, however, again according to Jarrad, Street presented the broadcasting awards warmly and politely. Jarrad specifically mentioned the firm and affectionate handshake from Street at the presentation of the award. However, shortly after the ceremony, Street “laid his head on the table like a baby,” dead of a fatal heart attack. Jarrad speculated that the “explosion” of Street’s vehement rant may have been the stress that caused his fatal heart attack.

    I can only say that I am surprised that “Tap Roots”, the 1948 film based on his fictionalized account of Knight’s pro-Union guerrilla warfare, didn’t do him in four years earlier.

   This was a film that said virtually nothing about the pro-Union sympathies of the Jones County fighters. It revolved around the futile campaign of a plantation owner named Hoab Dabney to disaffiliate from the Confederacy because the people of Lebanon Valley only sought to work in peace. Dabney is played by Ward Bond, a vicious McCarthyite. When the Confederate cavalry annihilates his followers, a Whig newspaper man played by Van Heflin who fought on his side denounces him as a trouble-maker who misled his followers into a useless rebellion. In one of the odder scenes in this very odd movie, Dabney wanders about the battlefield talking to himself after the fashion of King Lear.
The screenplay was written by Alan Le May, the author of “The Searchers” that was adapted for John Ford’s classic film. The sheer stupidity and bad politics of this  film makes you wonder if “The Searchers” has been overrated, as I have long suspected.

   Let me conclude with an excerpt from Victoria Bynum’s take [2] on “Tap Roots”, which is contained on her invaluable website Renegade South [3].

   The movie makers treated viewers to a sort of poor man’s Gone with the Wind—except that Hoab Dabney himself (the cinematic version of Newt Knight) appeared as anything but poor, living in his recently-departed father’s opulent mansion with slaves that he apparently inherited from dad! Never mind that neither the real Newt Knight—nor his father—owned slaves. I had to laugh, though, when Hoab Dabney first appeared on screen. Veteran actor Ward Bond appears as a wealthy, middle-aged Hoab, complete with mutton-chop sideburns, a crisp white shirt, black vest and cravat, and sporting a gold watch chain that hangs fetchingly across his portly mid-section!

    Let’s just say that Ward Bond is no Matthew McConaughey. . . .

    What were Tap Roots’ filmmakers thinking, you ask? They were thinking of Gone with the Wind, that’s what. Never mind that that wildly successful movie was dedicated to the principles of Lost Cause history, with its images of a solid white South and happy slaves. The plot lines, clichés, and characters of Gone with the Wind were shamelessly borrowed, but with a twist—and it’s only a twist—of Southern white opposition to secession from the Union. There is no people’s movement here—only the Dabneys’ assertion of their “freedoms” and dominion over their beloved Lebanon Valley. The men who join the provincial, hardheaded Dabneys in asserting their individual prerogative to remain “neutral” during the war display no agency and no ideas; they merely follow. Although the phrase, “rich man’s war and poor man’s fight,” is briefly flashed on the screen, it has no relevance to the story presented.


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Donations can be sent to the Baltimore Nonviolence Center, 325 E. 25th St., Baltimore, MD 21218.  Ph: 410-323-1607; Email: mobuszewski [at] verizon.net. Go to http://baltimorenonviolencecenter.blogspot.com/

"The master class has always declared the wars; the subject class has always fought the battles. The master class has had all to gain and nothing to lose, while the subject class has had nothing to gain and everything to lose--especially their lives." Eugene Victor Debs


U.S. Tries to Evade Responsibility for Saudi War It Has Been Backing for 15 Months

Published on Alternet (http://www.alternet.org)

U.S. Tries to Evade Responsibility for Saudi War It Has Been Backing for 15 Months

By Sarah Lazare [1] / AlterNet [2]
June 30, 2016

   The renewed push [3] from leading humanitarian organizations to suspend Saudi Arabia from the United Nations Human Rights Council has shined a fresh light on the Gulf state’s war atrocities in Yemen, from the bombing of civilian neighborhoods, schools, weddings and aid warehouses to a naval blockade that has pushed the country to the brink of famine.

   While this scrutiny is well-deserved, Saudi Arabia is not the only state waging the assault, with at least a dozen countries (Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Morocco, Jordan, Pakistan, Sudan, United Arab Emirates, Kuwait, Qatar, Bahrain, the United States and Britain) participating in or backing the military coalition.
Since the onslaught began on March 26, 2015, the United States has only escalated its involvement. First the Obama administration shipped weapons, identified bomb targets and sent its warships to assist the naval blockade. In May the U.S. government announced [4] troop deployments but did not reveal how many or for what length of time.

   Yet, now that Saudi Arabia is in the hot seat, U.S. State Department officials appear to be playing down the American role. At a press briefing [5] on June 29, State Department spokesperson Mark Toner was asked by an unnamed reporter whether he has a position on the move afoot by some human rights groups to get the United Nations to drop Saudi Arabia from the U.N. Human Rights Council” and whether he can comment on “potential U.S. complicity for targeting information.”

   Toner replied:

   As we’ve said repeatedly before, we remain concerned about the effects of the conflict in Yemen on the civilians there, and especially on children. And we have worked long and hard to get a peace process up and running, and we continue to urge all sides in the conflict to protect civilians and comply with their obligations under international humanitarian law. Specifically, because we only have observer status on the Human Rights Council, I’d refer you to the U.N. for more details. I mean, we don’t have a vote.

   With regard to your second question about complicity, I’m not going to speak to that other than that we work very closely, as I said, to urge all sides to show respect for civilians and to certainly not target civilians, but indeed to protect civilians and comply with international humanitarian law.

   But here is the problem: concerns about the killing of civilians on “all sides” necessarily implicate the United States, since American forces are fighting on the Saudi side. One only has to look at prior state department declarations of unwavering support for the Saudi-led coalition to confirm this fact.

   Speaking [6] at the Royal Air Base in Riyadh in January, Secretary of State John Kerry declared, “In Yemen, we face the Houthi insurgency and the ongoing threat that is posed by Al-Qaeda, threats to the territorial integrity of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia.” He continued: “We have made it clear that we stand with our friends in Saudi Arabia.”

  Toner’s latest condemnation of all sides targeting children came just weeks after he refused to rebuke U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon for removing the Saudi-led coalition in Yemen from a "list of shame" of armed forces that violate the rights of children after the Gulf monarchy threatened to withdraw funding from U.N. programs in retaliation. Toner told [7] a reporter on June 10, “Look, I’m not going to second-guess the UN’s decision and the secretary-general’s decision. It’s up to him to explain and defend his rationale for doing so.”

  Perhaps the real U.S. position was revealed in January 2015, just before the ongoing war began, when Obama told [8] CNN ahead of his third presidential visit to Saudi Arabia, “Sometimes we have to balance our need to speak to them about human rights issues with immediate concerns that we have in terms of countering terrorism or dealing with regional stability.”

   The special relationship between the U.S. and Saudi Arabia has led to anything but stability in the region. In Yemen alone, the military campaign has dramatically strengthened IS and Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula, allowing the latter to seize nearly 400 miles of Yemen’s southern coast. As the U.S. sends troops ostensibly to fight AQAP, there are signs that the militant Islamist group has fought alongside [9] elements of the U.S.-backed coalition.

   Then there is the direct impact of the attacks. Since the Saudi-led military campaign began, 3,539 civilians have been killed and 6,268 wounded, according to the U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights. The U.N. has repeatedly confirmed [10] that the Saudi-led coalition is responsible for the majority of attacks on civilians.

   “Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International have documented 69 unlawful airstrikes by the coalition, some of which may amount to war crimes, killing at least 913 civilians and hitting homes, markets, hospitals, schools, civilian businesses, and mosques,” the groups declared [11] in calling for the suspension of Saudi Arabia from the Human Rights Council. “The two organizations have also documented 19 attacks involving internationally banned cluster munitions, including in civilian areas.”

  Now that Saudi Arabia has a public relations problem on its hands, the U.S. is seeking to evade responsibility for its atrocities. The Obama administration should have thought about that before it spent the last 15 months participating in a ruthless military assault, for which the people of Yemen have paid the greatest price.

  Sarah Lazare is a staff writer for AlterNet. A former staff writer for Common Dreams, she coedited the book About Face: Military Resisters Turn Against War. Follow her on Twitter at @sarahlazare [12].
        [14]

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Donations can be sent to the Baltimore Nonviolence Center, 325 E. 25th St., Baltimore, MD 21218.  Ph: 410-323-1607; Email: mobuszewski [at] verizon.net. Go to http://baltimorenonviolencecenter.blogspot.com/

"The master class has always declared the wars; the subject class has always fought the battles. The master class has had all to gain and nothing to lose, while the subject class has had nothing to gain and everything to lose--especially their lives." Eugene Victor Debs


Banning fracking is the only rational option

Banning fracking is the only rational option
Fracking splits Garrett County
Drilling for natural gas will soon be coming to Western Maryland, splitting camps into those who think it is no different than other industries and others with environmental concerns. (Kenneth K. Lam/Baltimore Sun video)

Gina M. Angiola
Op-ed: Maryland should reverse course and ban fracking before it's too late.
Unconventional gas development using high-volume hydraulic fracturing, commonly referred to as fracking, has been intensely debated in our state for almost a decade. Initially promoted as a "clean" fuel that would provide cheap energy, create jobs and help the climate, fracked gas was embraced by politicians of both major parties. States like Pennsylvania and West Virginia welcomed the industry with open arms, setting in motion a vast public health experiment. Maryland wisely waited.
When Maryland began studying fracking in 2011, research on impacts was in its infancy. Yet by the end of 2015, there were almost seven hundred peer-reviewed articles on fracking impacts on air, water, seismicity, climate and human and animal health.
The emerging picture is clear: Fracking has no place in Maryland.
Fracking is bad for our climate. Fracked gas is largely methane, a greenhouse gas 86-times more potent than carbon dioxide over a 20-year time frame. These next 20 years will be critical for stabilizing the climate. Methane leakage from gas development, production, distribution and well abandonment is much higher than previously understood, making fracked gas as bad or worse than coal or oil for climate impacts.
Climate disruption is a public health emergency. It threatens not only the nature, distribution, and intensity of disease, but also food supplies, national security, the economy and the foundations of civil society. Climate change cost estimates are in the trillions of dollars. And climate disruption is accelerating rapidly. Permitting fracking now is immoral.
Fracking harms human health. While the research on health effects is still in its early stages (as would be expected due to time delays between exposure and development of illness), 84 percent of existing public health studies show risks or actual harms. In 2015, separate studies looking at health outcomes in Pennsylvania showed a significant association between proximity to fracking operations and premature births, and increased hospitalization rates for cardiac and neurological illnesses in heavily fracked counties.
In May of this year, in Dimock, Pa. — ground zero for fracking — the Agency for Toxic Substances and Disease Registry confirmed that private well water had indeed been contaminated with a range of compounds that threaten health and safety. This month, researchers in Wyoming documented the presence of specific carcinogenic, neurotoxic, and endocrine-disrupting chemicals both in local air emissions and in the urine of residents living near oil and gas operations.
Rather than address legitimate concerns, for years industry has tried to deny, distort and discredit claims of harm, or to buy the silence of those affected. The health harms we know about are likely the tip of the iceberg, but they are sufficient to justify a fracking ban.
Fracking destroys our environment. Building fracking infrastructure damages forests and soils, weakening the very ecological systems that stabilize the climate and purify air and water. Fracking also threatens farm lands and the health of our food supply.
To frack a single well requires millions of gallons of water, sand and toxic chemicals. Well leakage, spills and intentional discharges can irreversibly damage ecosystems. In North Dakota, over 3,000 fracking wastewater spills — roughly one for every three wells drilled — have led to widespread contamination of water and soil with salts, metals and radioactive compounds. Many bioaccumulate and persist for decades.
Water is removed from normal hydrologic cycles, a dangerous practice in times of worsening global droughts. Wastewaters injected deep underground for long-term storage are causing unprecedented earthquakes in Oklahoma and elsewhere. In Canada, earthquakes are being linked to the hydraulic fracturing process itself.
If we value our environment, a ban is the only rational option.
In 2015, rather than pass an eight-year moratorium with a scientific review in year seven, the Maryland General Assembly chose to pass a two-year moratorium with an automatic path to "regulated" fracking in 2017. This was unfortunate, as no regulations can adequately protect public health or the environment. This must be corrected with a ban in the next legislative session before fracking begins.
It's time to stop wasting taxpayer money and everyone's time developing and implementing impotent regulations for an outdated and destructive fuel source. Instead, all resources should be redirected to a real jobs program to enhance our economy and quality of life, while protecting our climate by moving rapidly to a 100 percent renewable energy-based economy, and restoring ecosystems and transforming land-use practices to allow biological systems to put atmospheric carbon back into soils where it's needed
Maryland is a beautiful state. Let's keep it that way. No fracking allowed.
Dr. Gina M. Angiola is a board member for Chesapeake Physicians for Social Responsibility; her email is gangiola11@gmail.com.
Copyright © 2016, The Baltimore Sun

Donations can be sent to the Baltimore Nonviolence Center, 325 E. 25th St., Baltimore, MD 21218.  Ph: 410-323-1607; Email: mobuszewski [at] verizon.net. Go to http://baltimorenonviolencecenter.blogspot.com/


"The master class has always declared the wars; the subject class has always fought the battles. The master class has had all to gain and nothing to lose, while the subject class has had nothing to gain and everything to lose--especially their lives." Eugene Victor Debs

The NRA's America

Friends,

Firman is our speaker for Baltimore’s 32nd annual Hiroshima-Nagasaki Commemoration.  He will speak on August 9 at a site to be determined.

Kagiso,

Max

The NRA's America
Firmin DeBrabander
Op-ed: The NRA invited us to join its apocalyptic vision, and we have thus far complied.
Even before the horrific attack in Orlando last week, life in 21st century America has become intolerably, pervasively fearful. Our mad proliferation of guns, and the obscene loopholes that allow dangerous people to access them freely, are the most consistent engines of terror in our society today.
There is hardly any public space in America that has not been marred by gun violence. Going about our daily business, we can now imagine active shooters emerging anywhere: a church, a mall, a movie theater, a workplace. In many states, people have to be wary of innocent interactions, lest they offend someone who is armed, and the gun owner feels threatened and justified in "standing his ground." All parents live with the daily stress of fearing for their children in this environment; the NRA prescribes armed guards at their schools, though it is painfully obvious this will do nothing to deter committed killers, as the gun lobby has made sure such people can easily obtain firepower.
Rule of law, a bedrock principle of democracy, is gravely endangered in the NRA's America. The key feature of civil society, according to English philosopher John Locke — who inspired our founding fathers — is that citizens defer legal judgment to those who govern in our name and have superior resources; this is especially so for the most definitive judgment of all: death. Instead, we firmly, inexplicably trend the opposite direction, toward the chaos of a State of Nature where no one's fate is secure.
Here, criminals, terrorists and malcontents are empowered by proliferating guns and loose gun laws, as are the people who would take it upon themselves to shoot the so-called "bad guys," too often choosing the wrong enemy (Trayvon Martin comes to mind). This is an open invitation to vigilantism and all it entails. In the aftermath of Orlando, some gay rights groups called on members of their community to arm themselves to deal with threats, potential, imagined or real.
The NRA likes to say that guns are the solution to our fear; when we are armed, we need no longer fear. That is hardly the case: An armed society is rife with fear — and the ardent gun rights advocates are the most fearful of them all. Which is bad news because, among the irrational emotions that rack the human soul and provoke the greatest sins, fear is high on the list.
NRA CEO Wayne LaPierre is prime evidence of the chronic paranoia at work. His speeches are veritable litanies of things we must fear, and his creativity is impressive. In a major speech from 2014, Mr. La Pierre offered a lengthy tirade on electromagnetic pulses "triggered by a massive solar storm, or set off by a detonation of a nuclear device," destroying the power grid and plunging the nation into a primitive state where "third world diseases would re-emerge." He foresees a desperate scramble for survival in the chaos to come, and guns will give some the edge. But who wants to live in that world?
Apparently, ardent gun rights advocates do — and they have nearly gotten the world they warn of.
The NRA invited us to join its apocalyptic vision, and we have thus far complied. We have tolerated its radical agenda. Polls indicate that most Americans disapprove of NRA policies, like permitless carry and open carry, and their obstruction of universal background checks. But voters in most states have not pressed on, urging lawmakers to resist and reject the gun lobby's outrageous demands.
The good news in all this is, we are hardly trying when it comes to gun violence. We are starting from a very low bar. Inexplicably, we don't bar terror suspects from gun sales (the Senate failed to pass this reform this week). We don't subject all gun buyers to background checks. We don't put all people with mental illness in the background check system — some states hardly register this at all. Ten states allow permitless carry, whereby gun owners can exercise concealed carry without a permit and without required safety training. Then we despair over the amount of gun violence in this country, and the NRA tells us the mass slaughter could not be avoided — bad guys will get their hands on guns and mete out destruction.
That is simply not true. None of this is inevitable. It is a choice; one we make.
In armed America, we live in terror, but the means to diminish our absurd levels of gun violence are ready at hand — when voters across the country are finally willing to channel their democratic energies and press their lawmakers. Gun violence will not be eradicated; no one has ever promised that. But it can steadily be made more rare. This is a front in the war on terror we can win.
Firmin DeBrabander is a professor of philosophy at the Maryland Institute College of Art and author of "Do Guns Make us Free?" (Yale University Press, 2015). His is fdebrabander@mica.edu.
Copyright © 2016, The Baltimore Sun
Donations can be sent to the Baltimore Nonviolence Center, 325 E. 25th St., Baltimore, MD 21218.  Ph: 410-323-1607; Email: mobuszewski [at] verizon.net. Go to http://baltimorenonviolencecenter.blogspot.com/

"The master class has always declared the wars; the subject class has always fought the battles. The master class has had all to gain and nothing to lose, while the subject class has had nothing to gain and everything to lose--especially their lives." Eugene Victor Debs