Wednesday, April 18, 2012

Bogus Obamacare-Deficit Study/Koch-Funded GOP Economist Uses New Math To Find That Health Reform Increases The Deficit

The Bogus Obamacare-Deficit Study

By Jonathan Chait

New York Magazine

April 10, 2012

http://nymag.com/daily/intel/2012/04/bogus-obamacare-deficit-study.html

 

WASHINGTON - MARCH 23: U.S. President Barack Obama signs

the Affordable Health Care for America Act during a

ceremony with fellow Democrats in the East Room of the

White House March 23, 2010 in Washington, DC. The

historic bill was passed by the House of Representatives

Sunday after a 14- month-long political battle that left

the legislation without a single Republican vote. (Photo

by Win McNamee/Getty Images) Little did Obama know there

is no Medicare crisis.

 

The Washington Post has an apparent blockbuster story

today. It reports that a new study finds that Obamacare

will increase the budget deficit, not decrease it, as

the Congressional Budget Office has found:

 

    President Obama's landmark health-care initiative,

    long touted as a means to control costs, will

    actually add more than $340 billion to the nation's

    budget woes over the next decade, according to a new

    study by a Republican member of the board that

    oversees Medicare financing.

 

That sounds pretty legit, right?

 

Actually, no. It's not even remotely legit.

 

The first thing to understand here is that this is not a

study by a government agency. It's a paper by Charles

Blahous. Who is Charles Blahous? He's a Republican

policy guy. By tradition, the president appoints a

member of each party to serve as a trustee of Medicare

and Social Security. Blahous, who served under George W.

Bush and was active in his attempt to introduce private

accounts into Social Security, is the Republican

trustee. But the other trustee, Robert Reischauer, has

zero to do with his paper. It was published by the

Mercatus Center, a Koch-funded organization that

produces some quality work as well as a fair amount of

schlock that does not meet the standards of your typical

university economics paper. This paper is an example of

the latter.

 

The Affordable Care Act spends a bunch of money to cover

people who are too poor or sick to afford their own

health care. To pay for that, it raises some taxes and

cuts a bunch of spending from Medicare. The new revenue

and the spending cuts outweigh the cost of the new

spending, which is why the Congressional Budget Office

projected it to reduce the deficit. Projections always

have a margin for error attached, but the CBO's two year

update actually bumped up the savings projections a bit.

 

You may wonder what methods Blahous used to obtain a

more accurate measure of the bill's cost. The answer is

that he relies on a simple conceptual trick. Medicare

Part A has a trust fund. By law, the trust fund can't

spend more than it takes in. So Blahous assumes that,

when the trust fund reaches its expiration, it would

automatically cut benefits.

 

The assumption is important because it forms the

baseline against which he measures Obama's health- care

law. He's assuming that Medicare's deficits will

automatically go away. Therefore, the roughly $500

billion in Medicare savings that Obama used to help

cover the uninsured is money that Blahous assumes the

government wouldn't have spent anyway. Without the

health-care law, in other words, we would have had

Medicare cuts but no new spending on the uninsured. Now

we have the Medicare cuts and new spending on the

uninsured. Therefore, the new spending in the law counts

toward increasing the deficit, but the spending cuts

don't count toward reducing it.

 

That is a completely bizarre assumption. It's not an

assumption that any scoring agency ever applies in other

situations. We assume that, in the absence of action,

Congress will keep paying Medicare benefits. That's why

we have all these projections of future deficits. If

Blahous's assumptions are right, then we don't really

have an entitlement problem at all. Medicare can't

exceed its trust fund, so problem solved! You know how

Paul Ryan has been stalking the halls of Congress with

disaster-movie music in the backdrop, warning that we're

about to become Greece? He should relax! (Also,

Blahous's methodology would show that Ryan's budget

looks way worse, too.)

 

Anyway, that's the trick. Assume the Medicare savings

don't count because Medicare would have reduced its

payments anyway, and boom - Obamacare now increases the deficit.

 

There actually is a bit more in the paper, but it's even

less persuasive. Blahous suggests that Congress might

roll back some of the cost savings in the law. And yes,

of course that's a risk - Republicans are trying to

repeal the entire law. If Congress repeals some of the

cost savings, then they won't save money.

 

That's not a way of saying Obamacare will drive up the

deficit, it's a way of saying that future legislation

will drive up the deficit. In 1993, Bill Clinton hiked

taxes on the rich. You could have pointed out at the

time that his plan raised less revenue than forecast

because there was a chance that eventually people who

hate taxes on the rich would take control of the

government and roll back his tax hike. That is, in fact,

what eventually happened. But it would be exceedingly

odd to frame such an observation as "Clinton's tax cut

won't raise as much revenue as we think."

 

Indeed, the whole argument is so bizarrely weak you have

to wonder, "What is this doing on the front page of the

Washington Post?" Here is what I think is going on. The

author of the Post story, Lori Montgomery, is the author

of a recent debt- negotiation narrative that seems to

have been spoon-fed to her by John Boehner. Montgomery

inserts a few cautionary notes into the story, but

basically frames it the way Blahous would like.

 

Blahous is the Republican trustee for Medicare, so that

title offers the hook for a paper he writes that, by

adopting some mighty odd hypothetical scenarios, says

that Obamacare will boost the deficit. Blahous's

government position gives the claim enough juice that it

can be pitched as a "study" by a government official, as

opposed to just another Republican-authored polemic,

which would never receive such prominent or relatively

credulous coverage. The next step is for conservatives

to adopt Blahous's figure as the "true" figure - but of

course never to apply his strange assumptions to the GOP

budget or to any other proposal - and browbeat the media

into citing that alongside the CBO figure, for "balance."

 

*****

 

Koch-Funded GOP Economist Uses New Math To Find That Health Reform Increases The Deficit

 

By Igor Volsky

Think Progress

April 10, 2012

http://thinkprogress.org/health/2012/04/10/461265/gop-economist-deficit/

 

George W. Bush's Social Security privatization guru

Charles Blahous - who now works for the Koch-funded

Mercatus Center - is out with a new report alleging that

the Affordable Care Act adds $340 billion to the

deficit. The new math relies on the old "double

counting" meme - an argument advanced by Republicans in

Congress in the final days of the health care reform

debate alleging that the Congressional Budget Office

(CBO) appropriated the same revenue for extending the

solvency of the Medicare trust fund as it did for paying

out benefits. The Washington Post's Lori Montgomery explains:

 

"Does the health-care act worsen the deficit? The

answer, I think, is clearly that it does," Blahous, a

senior research fellow at George Mason University's

Mercatus Center, said in an interview. "If one asserts

that this law extends the solvency of Medicare, then one

is affirming that this law adds to the deficit. Because

the expansion of the Medicare trust fund and the

creation of the new subsidies together create more

spending than existed under prior law." [...]

 

Medicare is financed in part through a trust fund that

receives revenue from payroll taxes. Before Obama's

health-care act passed, the trust fund was projected to

be drained by 2017 (later updated to 2016). Absent the

health-care law, Blahous writes, Medicare would have

been forced to enact a sharp reduction in benefit

payments in the middle of this decade, or "other

Medicare savings would have had to be found."

 

Enter the health-care law, which provides about $575

billion in Medicare savings - enough to automatically

extend the life of the trust fund through 2029,

according to estimates at the time, and avoid a sharp

cut in benefits. But in cost estimates by the

nonpartisan CBO, those savings also offset a dramatic

expansion of Medicaid under the law, as well as new

subsidies for uninsured people to purchase coverage.

 

What Blahous calls "double counting" is actually the

"unified budget process," an accounting method that

considers the spending and revenues of the entire

federal budget over a 10 year period and the way

Congress keeps track of its dollars. It's the same math

that the Congressional Budget Office (CBO) relied on to

conclude in 2010 that the law "would produce a net

reduction in federal deficits of $143 billion over the

2010-2019 period as result of changes in direct spending

and revenues." Earlier this week, the CBO updated its

estimate, reporting that the Affordable Care Act is

expected to cost $50 billion less than they anticipated

and Medicare actuaries reported that as a result of the

savings in the law, the life of Medicare's Hospital

Insurance (HI) Fund is extended to 2024, instead of in 2016.

 

Here is how the accounting process works: revenue or

savings from the law enters the general fund of the

federal treasury, where it is counted towards deficit

reduction. The money is credited to the Medicare trust

fund, which receives a treasury security that will be

paid out in interest when necessary. Should the trust

fund cash in its bond, that money is transferred from

the general treasury to the fund. However, since the

same revenue cannot be used to reduce the deficit and

extend the life of the trust fund, Treasury would have

to find that money somewhere else. But, given the

principles of unified accounting, that money is said to

reduce the deficit and extend the life of the fund.

 

As Jonathan Blum, the director of the Center for

Medicare Management for CMS, explains, "I think it's

been a historical, and longstanding budget convention

that when you have less dollars paid to the Medicare

program to pay for benefits, there are dollars that

accrue to the overall federal treasury, that can be

spent for other purposes. And this is an OMB, CBO budget

convention."

 

The federal government has in fact used this kind of

system from time immemorial - including in the GOP's

latest budget proposed by Rep. Paul Ryan (R-WI) - and

Republicans have long argued that they would use

Medicare savings for deficit reduction AND strengthening

the program. Consider this 1997 press release from the

Senate Republican Policy Committee making this very same

case about the Balanced Budget Act:

 

- Getting to a Zero Deficit: This legislation is

necessary despite continued improvement in the federal

deficit. Without the federal policy changes contained in

the reconciliation bill, the deficit under CBO's most

recent estimates (without the so-called fiscal dividend

that balance will yield) would double to $139 billion by

2002. The deficit was $107 billion in FY 1996 and is

currently projected to be $67 billion this year.

However, without this legislation, it will not get to

zero. The positive economic performance to date largely

has been due to low inflation and business restructuring

at home and the opening of new markets overseas that has

resulted in higher-than-anticipated receipts.

 

- Medicare: The Balanced Budget Act of 1997 (BBA 97)

makes the most significant changes to the Medicare

program - the federal government's health care program

for all seniors - since its inception in the 1960s. It

modernizes the program by granting new health care

options for seniors - while maintaining and

strengthening the traditional system. Further, it more

equitably distributes federal managed care and new

Medicare Choice payments between geographic regions. It

also extends the life of the program's funding

mechanism, the Medicare trust fund (known as the HI or

Part A trust fund).

 

Conservatives are now asking the federal government to

embrace a different standard of trust fund accounting

rules, which look at changes over a much longer period

of time. But this argument is fundamentally disingenuous

and it changes the rules in the middle of the game.

Every member of Congress knows that the CBO's scores are

"God" and that members of both parties rely on the

budget office's numbers and models to move legislation.

 

Were Democrats to draft a health bill that comported to

trust fund accounting rules, rather than unified budget

accounting rules, they could have produced a poor CBO

score and would have been criticized for increasing the

deficit. Now, Republicans are demanding that the law

meet the standards of new math that they themselves

don't abide by. It's not surprising to see a partisan

economist put forward these new numbers who, like his

greatest supporter Mitch McConnell, is more interested

in defeating Obama than working with him to solve the

nation's health care problems.

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