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Buffalo Cops—And All the Other Cops
Posted
By Bruce Jackson On June 12, 2020
WBFO filmed
Buffalo police shove Martin Gugino to the ground (top). When an officer begins
to attend to the fallen Martin Gugino, another officer pulls him away (middle)
– Fair Use
Buffalo I
Everybody
knows about the second of two violent police attacks on peaceful citizens in
Buffalo last week.
On June 4,
two members of the Buffalo Police Department Emergency Response Team knocked 75-year-old
Martin Gugino to the ground in front of the city hall steps. They were clearing
the area of demonstrators, even though city hall had, at that point, been closed
for four hours, there were only a few demonstrators, and they weren’t doing
anything but standing there.
When he was
shoved to the ground, Gugino was just trying to talk to them. He had a helmet
in his left hand, a cell phone in his right. After he hit the ground, with
blood streaming from his right ear, a policeman went to help him, but a
superior officer pushed him away. The line of police moved on, leaving Gugino unconscious
on the sidewalk.
The police department and Mayor
Byron Brown’s office issued a statement saying Gugino had tripped and fallen.
Old guys do that, dontcha know. Unfortunately for the police department and
Mayor Brown, long-time WNED (public radio) reporter Mike Desmond was on the
city hall steps documenting the entire incident with his smartphone. His brief video has now been seen more than
70 million times on YouTube and countless times on news broadcasts around the
world. The story even made The Onion.
Ironically,
WNED got the official press release saying that Gugino had tripped and fallen
just as Desmond was getting his video out on Twitter.
That required some backtracking and
gibberish by Mayor Brown in several TV interviews the next day. The two cops
involved in the incident were suspended, whereupon the head of the police union
announced that (a) they were innocent of anything, (b) the union would fully support
them, and (c) the union would not fund any lawsuits brought against that squad
in the future. All other 57 members of the ERT
then announced they were quitting the squad. They weren’t
giving up their jobs as Buffalo cops, but if nobody was guaranteeing their
legal fees, they weren’t going to be ERT cops. Back to writing parking tickets,
or whatever.
It was all an attempt to strongarm
the city into backing off disciplining the cops who had injured Gugino. That’s
what many police unions do. It’s been a problem in Buffalo
for decades. A while back, the very competent head of the
homicide squad retired; he was replaced, because of union seniority agreements,
by someone whose primary experience was in traffic management. Homicide cops
were distraught, but they kept their mouths shut.
This time, the union strong-arming didn’t
work. Desmond’s video went viral and it was unambiguous. Both cops were charged with
felonious assault. When they came out of court after their
arraignment, a large crowd of Buffalo cops
greeted them with vigorous applause.
When the riot squad quit, two members told reporters it
wasn’t because of the suspension of the two officers who’d assaulted Guigino. It
was just about the liability insurance. The vigorous applause pretty much put
the lie to that. (It reminded me of the time when the New
York City PBA had a grudge against Mayor
Bill De Blasio. They turned their backs on him at
a police funeral and then, in December 2014, they made two-thirds fewer arrests
and wrote 94% fewer tickets than they had the previous December.)
Even Donald Trump got into the act.
On June 9 he tweeted: “Buffalo protester shoved by Police could be an ANTIFA
provocateur. 75 year old Martin Gugino was pushed away after appearing to scan
police communications in order to black out the equipment. @OANN I watched, he
fell harder than he was pushed. Was aiming scanner. Could be a set up?”
Like most of Trump’s slanderous
tweets, he is short on declarative statements, long on questions and
conditionals: he says things without owning them: he loves “could be” and
quotation marks.
Everything
Trump said in that tweet was bull****, except for Martin Gugino’s name and age.
He got it from a fringe news agency he loves, which in turn got the story from
someone who also writes for Russian propaganda agencies. Because of the “could
be” and quotation mark, Twitter refused to take the lying tweet down.
Had it not
been for Mike Desmond’s video, the phony story about Martin Gugino getting his head
cracked because of his own elderly balance issues would have stuck and there
would have been no story.
Imagine the murder of George Floyd without
that nine-minute twelve-second video.
We wouldn’t even know his name.
Buffalo II
The other Buffalo incident happened
a few days before Martin Gugino was knocked to the pavement. There is only a
partial video of that. It is a more complex event. There is enough video to
have warranted a serious look by the city’s daily newspaper, The
Buffalo News, but, except for sports, the paper’s news staff has been
sorely cut in recent years, and lately they’ve been furloughing staff on a
rotating basis. It was an important story, but there was, apparently, nobody
around to go out and do it. Or perhaps the editors didn’t think it interesting.
A group of marchers had gathered at
City Hall and walked peacefully toward a police precinct on Bailey Avenue, two
miles away. There are photographs along the march by News photographer
Sharon Cotillion. The last in her sequence is a policeman in the turret of an
armored vehicle; he is holding a huge weapon. The News didn’t
assign a report to accompany Cotillion, and none of her published photographs
show what I’m going to tell you about now.
Someone on the second floor of a cross-street
facing Bailey Avenue made a 28-minute video. (Click here to watch the whole
thing.) I don’t know who he is and I cannot understand the language
he speaks when he comments to other people near him. In the past decade (until
Trump slammed the door) immigrants from several strife-ridden countries have
started new lives in Buffalo.
The video
shows a line of police along Bailey Avenue. Some are in Buffalo police riot
gear; some, probably state police, are in greens. An armored vehicle pulls up
behind them. They face a group of benign demonstrators. The demonstrators are
holding their arms over their heads, documenting the cops with their smartphones,
or taking a knee.
The police
precinct where Sharon Cotillion took the photo of the cop in the armored
vehicle is around the corner, out of range of the person making the video.
Thirteen
minutes and twelve seconds into the video, the police, with snarling dogs,
charge the demonstrators and begin clubbing people who, so far as I can tell,
were doing nothing other than standing in the street with their arms raised or
documenting the moment with their iPhones.
There are
popping sounds. Shots? Teargas? Flash grenades? Impossible to tell.
Did
something happen down Bailey Avenue to the right that invoked the police
assault? No video has emerged of that, nor has there been any report of
anything happening in front of the police station that might have occasioned
that brutal attack.
Then,
thirty seconds later, a vehicle enters the frame, coming out of the street
where the precinct is. People scatter. Two or three policemen are knocked down
or run over by the car.
There are
more popping sounds. Police rush down the sides treet where the video is made
with drawn guns and with more snarling dogs.
The Buffalo News would
later report that the driver of the car had a bullet wound in her abdomen. The
reporter didn’t know if she had been shot before or after the car plowed into
the police line. The article also said that a pistol had been found in the car,
and since all three occupants of the car had previous felony arrests, they all
had been charged with felony possession of a weapon. The article didn’t say
whether the driver was attacking the police or fleeing them. At this point, we
don’t know what happened around the corner from where that guy on the second
floor was making his astonishing 28-minute video. The only local organization with
the ability to look into what happened and tell us about it—The Buffalo News—has
taken a pass.
All we know
is that a line of cops, for no apparent reason, charged a group of apparently
peaceful demonstrators and began beating them, after which shots were fired, a
car injured three police officers, one seriously, a woman was shot, and three
people were arrested.
Someone
gave the order to attack, and they did.
Elsewhere
That’s two
incidents in Buffalo in the space of a few days, both involving citizens not
doing much of anything and cops behaving violently.
Both
incidents are awful, but, there’s nothing extraordinary about them. In the two
weeks since George Floyd’s murder in Minneapolis we’ve seen
—a New York cop steps out of
marching police line to knock a woman to the ground (here’s that same shot, rotated
and slowed down)
—police in a residential neighborhood in Minneapolis chasing people
off their own porches. One cop yells, “Light ‘em up,” and they
start shooting paint canisters or gas.
On and on it goes. There’s now a website of people
police brutality videos. When I last checked it had footage from
Houston, New York City, Las Vegas, Fort Wayne, Minneapolis, Denver, Louisville,
and Lincoln, Nebraska. There’s probably more now.
Why?
The cops
who responded to the demonstrations the past two weeks with gratuitous violence
consider us all their enemy. So do the commanders who told them such behavior
was permissible or who ordered it outright.
How do we
explain this behavior?
Part of it
is probably the hardware and the uniforms: over the past twenty years, we’ve
permitted an absurd militarization of urban police forces. They have weapons
and vehicles designed for military combat. If you’re dressed for military
combat, armed for military combat, and provided vehicles suited for military
combat, you are missing only one thing: the enemy. Those cops who perpetrated
all that gratuitous violence the past two weeks found themselves the enemy
they’d been trained to encounter and had perhaps been longing for: us, all of
us.
That’s part
of it, but it’s not sufficient. I looked through my bookshelves from back in the
days when I was doing a lot of writing and research on criminal justice. No
help there.
The book that, thus far, offers the
most useful insight was in another set of shelves: books on the Holocaust:
Christopher R. Browning’s Ordinary Men: Reserve Police
Battalion 101 and the Final Solution in Poland (1992).
The
question Browning sets out to answer is, How could a group of 500 policemen,
only a few of them Nazis, most of them working stiffs until they were drafted,
take part in an operation that resulted in the deaths of at least 83,000 Jews?
What transpired between the time when they were ordinary men in every sense of
the word, to the time when they were those guys in those uniforms doing those
things?
There’s no
comparison between what happened in Europe in those years and what is happening
here now. I know that. I’m not trivializing the Holocaust or blowing the past
two weeks in America out of all proportion.
But the
process that allows ordinary people to inflict purposeful harm on other
ordinary people, people who are not threatening or harming anyone—that warrants
thought.
Walter Reich’s insightful reviews
of Browning’s book, published in the April 12, 2012,
edition of the New York Times, contains a paragraph
that, with only a few changes, could apply to all of the events I just told you
about:
Clearly
ordinary human beings are capable of following orders of the most terrible
kinds. What stands between civilization and genocide is the respect for the
rights and lives of all human beings that societies must struggle to protect.
Nazi Germany provided the context, ideological as well as psychological, that allowed
the policemen’s actions to happen. Only political systems that recognize the
worst possibilities in human nature, but that fashion societies that reward the
best, can guard the lives and dignity of all their citizens.
We’ve
provided our police with arms that dazzle the imagination. And we’ve given them
a job wholly beyond their capacity. It’s long past time for demilitarizing them
and addressing directly the blights afflicting American society—racism,
poverty, urban decay, corruption at the highest levels of government, and all the
rest.
You can’t
do that with tanks and clubs.
You can’t
do that with a police ideology that envisions itself as an occupying military force.
You can’t do that by cracking an old man’s head on the pavement.
You can’t
do that with unions that seek privilege and immunity at the expense of justice
and service.
You can’t do that with an attorney general who orders
police to club and gas peaceful, legal demonstrators in the service
of a presidential photo-op featuring an unread Bible.
And you can’t do that by
bull********on Twitter, even if you’re doing it from 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue.
Article printed from CounterPunch.org: https://www.counterpunch.org
Donations can be sent
to Max Obuszewski, Baltimore Nonviolence Center, 431 Notre Dame Lane, Apt. 206,
Baltimore, MD 21212. Ph: 410-323-1607; Email: mobuszewski2001 [at]
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"The master class
has always declared the wars; the subject class has always fought the battles.
The master class has had all to gain and nothing to lose, while the subject
class has had nothing to gain and everything to lose--especially their
lives." Eugene Victor Debs
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