Real Political Courage
by Katrina vanden Heuvel
June 1, 2011
In August of 1964, President Johnson went to Congress to ask for sweeping authority to conduct military action in
Out of that uncritical unity, Sen. Wayne Morse (D-Ore.) and Ernest Gruening (D-Alaska) rose to give a scathing and extraordinarily prescient critique of the resolution, and of our involvement in
He called the
They did not. Ninety-eight senators voted in support of the resolution. Only Morse and Gruening (who had been a longtime editor at the Nation) opposed it. Four years later, Morse's opposition to the war would become the central issue in his reelection campaign, a campaign he would lose by just half a percent of the vote. Gruening was defeated that same year in a Democratic primary.
There was a time when this is how we defined political courage in
Case in point
He proposed a federal budget that, in every respect, articulated extremist Republican ideology. He balanced the budget using faulty assumptions that no respected economist outside the Heritage Foundation has called reasonable. And he did it by slashing health-care benefits for the elderly and the poor, for children and the disabled, all while giving $4 trillion in tax cuts to the wealthiest Americans.
For this, he has become a hero within his own party (someone Dick Cheney claims to "worship"), even though he made his proposal from a perfectly safe congressional district, where he has no reason to expect political consequences at the ballot box. While his proposal may cost his party control of Congress, it will cost him nothing.
Despite the pomp and circumstance, despite the laudatory columns and glowing testimony from D.C. elites, what Ryan did is not, nor will it ever be, a true measure of political courage.
Real political courage means bucking party orthodoxy when the leadership has strayed. It could be seen in Russ Feingold's vocal opposition to the Patriot Act and the bank bailouts, or in John McCain's scathing critique of those in his party who advocate torture. It could be seen in Gary Johnson's impassioned plea to end the war on drugs or in his support for gay marriage, which he calls a "civil rights issue." It can be seen in Dennis Kucinich's demands that President Obama seek authorization for military efforts in
Real political courage also means standing up for those whose voices carry least in Washington, not for those who least need a voice. Such courage can be seen today in the House Progressive Caucus's attempt to pass "The People's Budget," a budget that will create jobs and economic growth and will bring down deficits, not by stripping benefits from the poor and middle class, but by making the wealthiest Americans pay their fair share of taxes.
And political courage means a willingness to sacrifice for the sake of principle, to put the obligations of office ahead of reelection to office. That could be seen on full display last March, when members of Congress such as Betsy Markey (D-Colo.), Tim Bishop (D- N.Y.) and Tom Perriello (D-
That is what true political courage looks like. But too often, too much of the media fails to portray it that way.
John McCain is more likely to be called courageous for his vote for the Ryan budget than for his stance against torture. He's more likely to be called courageous for standing with his party than for breaking with it. The Progressive Caucus was not called brave for defending the poorest among us; they were virtually ignored. Russ Feingold was not called brave for being one of the few Democrats to stand up to a popular president, in opposition to the Patriot Act; he was called brazen.
If we applaud false courage, we'll only get more of it, and less of the real thing, at a time when we need real courage more than ever. Solving this problem, then, must be a shared responsibility. It is the media's obligation, as much as it is our own as citizens, to highlight genuine political courage for what it is, and to reject Ryan-style courage for what it isn't.
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"The master class has always declared the wars; the subject class has always fought the battles. The master class has had all to gain and nothing to lose, while the subject class has had nothing to gain and everything to lose--especially their lives." Eugene Victor Debs