Wednesday, April 29, 2009

Close Gitmo demo/Democrats Urge Torture Probe by Special Counsel

Lydia Wylie-Kellerman is urging you to come to D.C. on Thurs., Apr. 30th – 100th day action.  Be at the Capitol Reflecting Pool at 10 AM before joining a procession in orange jumpsuits and the nonviolent direct action at the White House.  The action will occur at 12:15 PM. RSVP TO LYDIAIWK@GMAIL.COM if you will be there and if you are able to risk arrest.

 

Members of the Pledge of Resistance-Baltimore will be leaving at 9 AM.  If interested in joining us, respond to this email.  Kagiso, Max

 

Democrats Urge Torture Probe by Special Counsel

Tuesday 28 April 2009

by: Larry Margasak  |  Visit article original @ The Associated Press

US Attorney General Eric Holder.

US Attorney General Eric Holder testifies before Congress while protesters hold signs urging him to prosecute members of the Bush administration for authorizing torture. (Photo: Reuters Pictures)

    Washington - Congressional Democrats turned up the pressure on the Obama administration Tuesday to start a criminal investigation by a special counsel into harsh interrogations of terrorism suspects.

    It would be a conflict of interest for President Barack Obama's Justice Department to investigate lawyers from the Bush administration, even though they no longer work for the government, Democrats on the House Judiciary Committee said.

    In a letter to Attorney General Eric Holder, the Democrats wrote, "It is impossible to determine at this stage, and before conclusion of the necessary investigation, whether additional conflicts of interest might exist or arise."

    The letter said a special counsel's investigation would insulate the department from accusations that the investigation was politically inspired.

    Most of the 16 signers were Democratic liberals. Seven committee Democrats did not sign the letter, nor did any of the 16 Republicans.

    Justice Department spokesman Dean Boyd said the letter will be reviewed, but he pointed out the department's Office of Professional Responsibility is investigating whether the memos are consistent with professional standards required of department lawyers.

    "As with any issue, we will follow the facts where they lead," Boyd said. "As the attorney general has said, it would be unfair to prosecute dedicated men and women working to protect America for conduct that was sanctioned in advance by the Justice Department."

    Obama has said it would be up to Holder to determine whether "those who formulated those legal decisions" should be prosecuted. The methods, described in the Bush-era memos, included slamming detainees against walls and subjecting them to simulated drowning known as waterboarding.

    The president said he would not seek to punish CIA officers and others who carried out interrogations.

    Sen. Carl Levin, D-Mich., chairman of the Senate Armed Services Committee, also has proposed that independent investigators determine whether Bush administration officials ought to face charges.

    Conservative Republican senators have characterized the Democratic effort as counterproductive and politically motivated at the least and, at worst, damaging to national security.

    Levin recommended that the Justice Department select up to three people outside the department, such as retired federal judges, to recommend any charges or other actions against lawyers and others who developed the policies.

    In addition to lawmakers, a coalition of liberal groups delivered petitions to Holder demanding that he name an independent counsel. The groups included the American Civil Liberties Union, MoveOn.org, and the Center or Constitutional Rights.

    The ACLU obtained four of the Justice Department memos that provided the legal framework for the interrogation policies.

Donations can be sent to the Baltimore Nonviolence Center, 325 E. 25th St., Baltimore, MD 21218.  Ph: 410-366-1637; Email: mobuszewski [at] verizon.net

 

"The master class has always declared the wars; the subject class has always fought the battles. The master class has had all to gain and nothing to lose, while the subject class has had nothing to gain and everything to lose--especially their lives." Eugene Victor Debs

 

New evidence of a secret torture prison

New evidence of a secret torture prison

 

      It has long been clear that the CIA used the

      Szymany military airbase in Poland for

      extraordinary renditions. Now there is new

      evidence of a secret torture prison nearby.

 

By John Goetz and Britta Sandberg

 

Salon,com - April 28, 2009

 

http://www.salon.com/news/feature/2009/04/28/poland_prison/index.html

 

This article originally appeared in Der Spiegel, April 27, 2009

http://www.spiegel.de/international/world/0,1518,621450,00.html.

 

Only a smattering of clouds dotted the sky over Szymany

on March 7, 2003, and visibility was good. A light

breeze blew from the southeast as a plane approached

the small military airfield in northeastern Poland, and

the temperature outside was 2 degrees Celsius (36

degrees Fahrenheit). At around 4 p.m., the Gulfstream

N379P -- known among investigators as the "torture

taxi" -- touched down on the landing strip.

 

On board was the most important prisoner the U.S. had

been able to produce in the war on terror: Khalid

Sheikh Mohammed, the architect of the 9/11 attacks on

New York and Washington, also known as "the brains"

behind al-Qaida. This was the man who had presented

Osama bin Laden with plans to attack the U.S. with

commercial jets. He personally selected the pilots and

supervised preparations for the attacks. Eighteen

months later, on March 1, 2003, Sheikh Mohammed was

captured in Rawalpindi, Pakistan by U.S. Special Forces

and brought to Afghanistan two days later. Now the CIA

was flying him to a remote area in Poland's Masuria

region. The prisoner slept during the flight from Kabul

to Szymany, for the first time in days, as he later recounted:

 

"My eyes were covered with a cloth tied around my head.

A cloth bag was then pulled over my head ... I fell

asleep ... I therefore don't know how long the journey lasted."

 

Jerry M., age 56 at the time, probably sat at the

controls of the plane chartered by the CIA. The trained

airplane and helicopter pilot had been hired by Aero

Contractors, a company that transferred prisoners

around the world for U.S. intelligence agencies.

According to documents from the European aviation

safety agency Eurocontrol, Jerry M. had taken off from

Kabul at 8:51 a.m. that morning. Only hours after

landing in Poland, at 7:16 p.m., he took off again,

headed for Washington.

 

A large number of Polish and American intelligence

operatives have since gone on record that the CIA

maintained a prison in northeastern Poland. Independent

of these sources, Polish government officials from the

Justice and Defense Ministry have also reported that

the Americans had a secret base near Szymany airport.

And so began on March 7, 2003, one of the darkest

chapters of recent American -- and European -- history.

 

Obama under pressure

 

It was apparently here, just under an hour's drive from

Szymany airport, that Sheikh Mohammed was tortured

exactly 183 times with waterboarding -- an

interrogation technique that simulates the sensation of

drowning -- in March 2003 alone. That averages out to

eight times a day. And all of this happened right here

in Europe.

 

Over six years later, these acts of torture are putting

President Obama under intense pressure. On the one

hand, he released four memos in which his predecessor

George W. Bush had legalized such interrogation

methods. On the other hand, he decided not to prosecute

the torturers. And he initially neglected to launch

investigations into these "special interrogation methods."

 

It is the decision that has earned Obama the harshest

criticism during the first 100 days of his presidency.

Democrats from the Senate and the House of

Representatives announced last week that they would

form a truth commission, essentially putting them at

odds with their own president. Obama quickly realized

that he had apparently underestimated the volatile

nature of the issue. So he had Attorney General Eric

Holder announce that no one stood above the law. Holder

promised that an investigation would be conducted to

find out who in the White House and the Justice

Department had declared these methods legal.

 

What the CIA did back then to prisoners in the Polish

military airbase of Stare Kiejkuty, north of Szymany,

had been authorized by the president. According to

witnesses, Stare Kiejkuty housed a secret CIA prison

for "high value detainees" -- for the most prominent

prisoners of the war on terror.

 

There is now no doubt that the Gulfstream N379P landed

at least five times at Szymany between February and

July 2003. Flight routes were manipulated and falsified

for this purpose and, with the knowledge of the Polish

government, the European aviation safety agency

Eurocontrol was deliberately deceived.

 

The public prosecutor's office in Warsaw has the

statement of a witness who described how people wearing

handcuffs and blindfolds were led from the aircraft at

Szymany. He said that this happened far away from the

control tower. According to the witness, it was always

the same individuals and the same civilian vehicles

that stood waiting on the landing field.

 

If we are to believe the statements of Sheikh Mohammed,

a large number of those present at the small airfield

wore ski masks. This is what he told a delegation from

the International Committee of the Red Cross that

questioned him in the U.S. military prison at

Guantánamo, Cuba, in late 2006:

 

"On arrival the transfer from the airport to the next

place of detention took about one hour. I was

transported sitting on the floor of a vehicle. I could

see at one point that there was snow on the ground.

Everybody was wearing black, with masks and army boots,

like Planet-X people."

 

Just under an hour's drive corresponds roughly to the

distance from Szymany to the Stare Kiejkuty military

base, known as a training camp for Polish intelligence

agents. The route there passes for two kilometers

through a fenced-off military zone, past dense pine

forests, then heads northeast for 20 minutes, and

finally leads over an unpaved road alongside a lake.

The entrance to the base is at the end of this road.

 

"I was never threatened with death"

 

Sheikh Mohammed said that they cut the clothes from his

body, photographed him naked and threw him in a 10-

by-13-foot cell with wooden walls. That was when the

hardest phase of the interrogating began, he claims.

According to Sheikh Mohammed, one of his interrogators

told him that they had received the green light from

Washington to give him a "hard time":

 

"They never used the word 'torture' and never referred

to 'physical pressure,' only to 'a hard time.' I was

never threatened with death; in fact I was told that

they would not allow me to die, but that I would be

brought to the 'verge of death and back again.'"

 

He says he was questioned roughly eight hours a day. He

spent the first month naked and standing, with his

hands chained to the ceiling of the cell, even at

night. They led them into another room for questioning,

he says. That's where the bed stood that he says he was

strapped to for waterboarding. The mastermind behind

the 9/11 attacks told members of the Red Cross that he

eventually realized where he was being held:

 

"I think the country was Poland. I think this because

on one occasion a water bottle was brought to me

without the label removed. It had an e-mail address

ending in '.pl'. The central-heating system was an old-

style one that I would expect only to see in countries

of the former communist system."

 

Thereafter, the al-Qaida operative described how he was

strapped to a special bed and submitted to waterboarding:

 

"Cold water from a bottle that had been kept in the

fridge was then poured onto the cloth by one of the

guards so that I could not breathe. This obviously

could only be done for one or two minutes at a time.

The cloth was then removed and the bed put into a

vertical position. The whole process was then repeated

during about an hour. Injuries to my ankles and wrists

also occurred during the waterboarding as I struggled

in the panic of not being able to breathe."

 

Part 2: Investigations across Europe

 

For more than a year now, Warsaw public prosecutor

Robert Majewski has been investigating former Polish

Prime Minister Leszek Miller's government on

allegations of abuse of office. At issue is whether

sovereignty over Polish territory was relinquished, and

whether former Polish President Aleksander Kwasniewski

and his left-leaning Social Democratic government gave

the CIA free reign over sections of the Stare Kiejkuty

military base for the agency's extraterritorial torture interrogations.

 

Majewski has questioned a large number of witnesses who

worked in the former government, and this year his team

even plans to fly to Guantánamo. "No European country

is so sincerely and vigorously investigating former

members of the government as is currently the case in

Poland," says Wolfgang Kaleck from the European Center

for Constitutional and Human Rights in Berlin, which

supports the investigations.

 

The public prosecutor's office has also launched a

probe to determine whether the Polish intelligence

agency made 20 of its agents available to the CIA, as

was recently reported by the conservative Polish daily

newspaper Rzeczpospolita. A former CIA official

confirmed this information. There was reportedly a

document issued by the intelligence agency that

mentioned both the 20 Polish agents and the transfer of

the military base to the Americans. Two members of a

parliamentary investigative committee in Warsaw had an

opportunity to view this document in late 2005, but it

has since disappeared.

 

The missing piece of evidence

 

Journalist Mariusz Kowalewski at Rzeczpospolita and two

colleagues have been searching for months now for proof

of the existence of a secret CIA base in Poland. The

journalists have discovered flight record books from

Szymany that had been declared lost, and based on

refueling receipts and currency exchange rates, they

have reconstructed flights and routes, and spoken with

informants. Over the past few weeks, their newspaper

and the television network TVP Info have revealed new

details on an almost daily basis.

 

Kowalewski has collected a wide range of documents on

his white Apple laptop. He is convinced, though, that

he only knows "a fraction of what actually happened."

He is certain that there was a CIA base in the Masuria

region, where high-ranking al-Qaida prisoners were

brought. All that is missing is the final piece of

evidence. There are rumors circulating that one of the

most important interrogators of Sheikh Mohammed, an

American named Deuce Martinez -- the man who didn't

torture him, but rather had the task of gently coaxing

information out of him -- was in Poland at the time.

That is the proof that's still missing.

 

Similar conclusions were reached by the second

investigative report on CIA kidnappings in Europe,

which was submitted two years ago by the special

investigator of the Council of Europe, Dick Marty.

According to Marty's report, members of the former

Polish military intelligence and counterintelligence

agency, WSI, were given positions with the border

police, customs and airport administration to safeguard

the activities of the CIA. "The latest revelations in

Poland fully corroborate my evidence, which is based on

testimony by insiders and documents that have been

leaked to me," says the investigator today. Now, under

the "dynamic force of the truth" that Obama has

unleashed, Marty says that Europeans must finally

reveal "which governments tolerated and supported the

illegal practices of the CIA."

 

All that remains is the question of who in Poland at

the time approved the collaboration with the CIA and

gave the Americans unencumbered use of sections of Stare Kiejkuty.

 

"The order to give the CIA everything they needed came

from the very top, from the president," a member of the

Polish military intelligence agency told the Marty team

in 2007. Kwasniewski denies this. He says that there

was close intelligence corporation with the U.S., but

no prisons on Polish soil. When asked to comment on the

reports, former Prime Minister Miller said: "All of

this is just another opportunity for me to say that I

have nothing to say."

 

It's very possible that the debate on torture and

responsibility which is currently being conducted in

the U.S. will soon also reach Europe. After all,

Germany granted the U.S. flyover rights and dropped its

bid to extradite 13 CIA operatives in the case of

Khalid el-Masri, a German citizen who claims he was

abducted by the Americans. The Italian intelligence

agency allegedly assisted the CIA with the kidnapping

in Milan of the Islamic cleric Abu Omar. Britain's

intelligence agency, MI6, reportedly delivered

information directly to CIA agents who were conducting

interrogations in Morocco. And there are also reports

of a secret prison in Romania. Investigations have been

launched into these allegations in nearly all of these countries.

 

Jerry M., the pilot who flew Sheikh Mohammed from Kabul

to Szymany in March, 2003, now lives in Birmingham,

Ala., in a brick house with white shutters and box

trees planted in front of the door. Two stone lions

guard the path that leads to the entrance. For two

years, Jerry M. only had a post box address, like

everyone else who flew CIA prisoners around the world:

P.O. Box 22 99 43, code name Jerry Allen Bostick.

 

It appears the 62-year-old would rather deny all

knowledge of this period in his life. When asked by a

reporter over the phone if he had ever been to Poland,

he said, "I have no idea what you're talking about.

Really no idea." When he was asked if he had ever

worked for a company named Aero Contractors, the line

suddenly went dead. Jerry M. had hung up.

 

Translated from the German by Paul Cohen

 

==========

 

How '07 ABC Interview Tilted a Torture Debate

Published on Tuesday, April 28, 2009 by The New York Times

How ’07 ABC Interview Tilted a Torture Debate

by Brian Stelter

[]

In late 2007, there was the first crack of daylight into the government's use of waterboarding [1] during interrogations of Al Qaeda [2] detainees. On Dec. 10, John Kiriakou, a former C.I.A. [3] officer who had participated in the capture of the suspected terrorist Abu Zubaydah [4] in Pakistan in 2002, appeared on ABC News to say that while he considered waterboarding a form of torture, the technique worked and yielded results very quickly.

Mr. Zubaydah started to cooperate after being waterboarded for "probably 30, 35 seconds," Mr. Kiriakou told the ABC reporter Brian Ross. [5] "From that day on he answered every question."

His claims - unverified at the time, but repeated by dozens of broadcasts, blogs and newspapers - have been sharply contradicted by a newly declassified Justice Department memo [6] that said waterboarding had been used on Mr. Zubaydah "at least 83 times."

Some critics say that the now-discredited information shared by Mr. Kiriakou and other sources heightened the public perception of waterboarding as an effective interrogation technique. "I think it was sanitized by the way it was described" in press accounts, said John Sifton, a former lawyer for Human Rights Watch [7], an advocacy group.

During the heated debate in 2007 over the use of waterboarding and other techniques, Mr. Kiriakou's comments quickly ricocheted around the media. But lost in much of the coverage was the fact that Mr. Kiriakou had no firsthand knowledge of the waterboarding: He was not actually in the secret prison in Thailand where Mr. Zubaydah had been interrogated but in the C.I.A. headquarters in Northern Virginia. He learned about it only by reading accounts from the field.

On "World News," ABC included only a caveat that Mr. Kiriakou himself "never carried out any of the waterboarding." Still, he told ABC that the actions had "disrupted a number of attacks, maybe dozens of attacks." A video of the interview was no longer on ABC's website.

"It works, is the bottom line," Rush Limbaugh [8] exclaimed on his radio show [9] the next day. "Thirty to 35 seconds, and it works."

Mr. Kiriakou subsequently granted interviews to The Washington Post, The New York Times, National Public Radio [10], CBS [11], CNN, MSNBC and other media organizations. A CNN anchor called him [12] "the man of the hour."

Eight months after the interview, Mr. Kiriakou was hired as a paid consultant for ABC News. He resigned last month and now works [13] for the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations.

His ABC interview came at an especially delicate juncture in the debate over the use of torture. Weeks earlier, the nomination of Michael Mukasey [14] as attorney general was nearly derailed by his refusal to comment on the legality of waterboarding, and one day later, the C.I.A. director testified about the destruction of interrogation videotapes. Mr. Kiriakou told MSNBC [15] that he was willing to talk in part because he thought the C.I.A. had "gotten a bum rap on waterboarding."

At the time, Mr. Kiriakou appeared to lend credibility to the prior press reports that quoted anonymous former government employees who had implied that waterboarding was used sparingly. In late 2007, Mr. Ross began pursuing Mr. Kiriakou for an interview, "leaning on him pretty hard," he recounted.

On Dec. 10, in the subsequent interview, Mr. Kiriakou told Mr. Ross [5] that he believed the waterboarding was necessary in the months after the 9/11 attacks. "At the time I was so angry," he told Mr. Ross. "I wanted so much to help disrupt future attacks on the United States that I felt it was the only thing we could do."

Mr. Kiriakou was the only on-the-record source cited by ABC. In the televised portion of the interview, Mr. Ross did not ask Mr. Kiriakou specifically about what kind of reports he was privy to or how long he had access to the information. "It didn't even occur to me that they'd keep doing" the waterboarding, Mr. Ross said last week. "It doesn't make any sense to me."

He added, "I didn't give enough credit to the fiendishness of the C.I.A."

Mr. Kiriakou refused an interview request last week. In a statement to ABC, he said he was aware only of Mr. Zubaydah's being waterboarded "on one occasion."

The C.I.A., which considered legal action against Mr. Kiriakou for divulging classified information, said last week that he "was not - and is not - authorized to speak on behalf of the CIA."

Paul Gimigliano, a C.I.A. spokesman, said: "This agency did not publicly disclose the frequency with which the waterboard was used, noting only that it was employed with three detainees. If reporters got that wrong, they weren't misled from here."

In the days after Mr. Kiriakou's media blitz, his claims were repeated by an array of other outlets. For instance, the Fox News anchor Chris Wallace cited the 35 seconds claim to ask a congressman whether the interrogation program was "really so bad."

Months later the claims continued to be amplified; the National Review editor Jonah Goldberg used Mr. Kiriakou's assertions in a column last year to argue that the waterboarding was "right and certainly defensible."

Mark Danner, a journalist who has written extensively about the covert program for The New York Review of Books, said the news reports had fed the idea that brutal interrogations could instantly glean information about terrorist plans.

"There was a completely mistaken impression put about that this technique was not cruel because it could break detainees so quickly," he said.

(An article in The New York Times on Dec. 13, 2007 described his comments to ABC and added a quotation from Mr. Kiriakou: "I think the second-guessing of 2002 decisions is unfair. What I think is fair is having a national debate over whether we should be waterboarding.")

When Mr. Kiriakou was later hired by ABC to provide commentary on terrorism cases, Mr. Ross said that network officials had been concerned about the appearance of a tie between the interview and the job. For that reason, "I felt that we should sort of wait," he said. "I didn't want anyone to think that he was promised something for the interview. He was not."

Mr. Ross, who received a George Polk Award for a series on interrogation, expressed no regret about the Kiriakou interview and praised him for speaking publicly. He said ABC was preparing a story that would address the previous reporting.

"Kiriakou stepped up and helped shine some light on what has happening," Mr. Ross said. "It wasn't the huge spotlight that was needed, but it was some light."

As talk continues about possible prosecutions of people involved in the interrogations, waterboarding is once again a hot topic. Last week, Sean Hannity [16], a conservative Fox News host, said he would agree to be waterboarded (for charity) when a guest proposed that he experience it.

But the recent Justice Department memo has led some commentators to revisit their earlier impressions about the technique.

"I've always been on the fence about whether waterboarding constituted torture," Mr. Goldberg of the National Review wrote last week, but if the figures are true, "then I think the threshold has been met."

He added: "Debating whether it was worth it still seems open to debate, depending on the facts."

Scott Shane contributed reporting from Washington.

Copyright 2009 The New York Times Company

 

Donations can be sent to the Baltimore Nonviolence Center, 325 E. 25th St., Baltimore, MD 21218.  Ph: 410-366-1637; Email: mobuszewski [at] verizon.net

 

"The master class has always declared the wars; the subject class has always fought the battles. The master class has had all to gain and nothing to lose, while the subject class has had nothing to gain and everything to lose--especially their lives." Eugene Victor Debs

 

Tuesday, April 28, 2009

Court Rebuffs Feds, Reinstates Torture Suit

Published on Tuesday, April 28, 2009 by the San Francisco Chronicle

Court Rebuffs Feds, Reinstates Torture Suit

by Bob Egelko

SAN FRANCISCO - A federal appeals court rebuffed the Obama administration's assertion of secrecy today and reinstated a lawsuit by five men who say a Bay Area subsidiary of Boeing Co. helped the CIA fly them to foreign countries to be tortured.

A lawyer from President Obama's Justice Department argued to the court in February that the issues surrounding the "extraordinary rendition," program, including government-sanctioned interrogation methods and the company's alleged connection to the CIA, were so sensitive that the very existence of the suit threatened national security.

The Bush administration had taken the same position and persuaded a federal judge in San Jose to dismiss the suit.

In today's ruling, however, the Ninth U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals in San Francisco said the government and the company could take steps to protect national secrets as the case proceeded. The suit should be dismissed only if secret information is essential for the plaintiffs to prove their case or for the Bay Area company to defend itself, the court said.

"According to the government's theory, the judiciary should effectively cordon off all secret government actions from judicial scrutiny, immunizing the CIA and its partners from the demands and limits of the law," Judge Michael Hawkins said in the 3-0 ruling.

Allowing the government to shield its conduct from court review simply because classified information is involved "would ... perversely encourage the president to classify politically embarrassing information simply to place it beyond the reach of judicial process," Hawkins said.

The court did not address the plaintiffs' claims that they were kidnapped and tortured, but said judges have an important role to play in reviewing allegations of secret government conduct that violates individual liberties.

"As the founders of this nation knew well, arbitrary imprisonment and torture under any circumstances is a 'gross and notorious ... act of despotism,' " Hawkins said, citing language from a 2004 Supreme Court decision.

Either the administration or the company, Jeppesen Dataplan, a San Jose subsidiary of Boeing, could seek further review from a larger panel of the appeals court or from the U.S. Supreme Court. If those efforts fail, the case will return to U.S. District Judge James Ware in San Jose to consider whether it should go to trial. Ware dismissed the case in February 2008.

"This decision begins the lawsuit. It doesn't end it," said Ben Wizner, an American Civil Liberties Union attorney representing the plaintiffs. But he said the ruling was potentially historic.

"These will be the first torture victims to really have their day in court," he said.

Extraordinary rendition refers to the practice of abducting suspected criminals and terrorists without any extradition or legal proceedings, and taking them to foreign countries or CIA prisons for detention and interrogation.

The Bush administration, which used the practice extensively, maintained it never took a prisoner to a foreign country without first obtaining assurances that no torture would be used.

Two of the five plaintiffs in the lawsuit against Jeppesen Dataplan are still imprisoned, one on Morocco and one in Egypt, and the others have been released without charges from the U.S. naval base at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba. All say they were subjected to brutal interrogations in overseas prisons run by foreign governments or the CIA, and all accuse Jeppesen of arranging their flights.

A Council of Europe report in 2007 identified the company as the CIA's aviation services provider. A company employee, in a court declaration, quoted a Jeppesen director as telling staff members in 2006 that the company handled torture flights for the CIA.

© 2009 Hearst Communications Inc.

 

Donations can be sent to the Baltimore Nonviolence Center, 325 E. 25th St., Baltimore, MD 21218.  Ph: 410-366-1637; Email: mobuszewski [at] verizon.net

 

"The master class has always declared the wars; the subject class has always fought the battles. The master class has had all to gain and nothing to lose, while the subject class has had nothing to gain and everything to lose--especially their lives." Eugene Victor Debs