Published on Portside https://portside.org
Almost a Century Ago, another
Democratic Socialist Ran for President of the United States—from His Prison
Cell
Lawrence S. Wittner
Saturday, November 21, 2015
LA Progressive
In the early twentieth century, roughly a century before Bernie
Sanders’s long-shot run for the White House, another prominent democratic
socialist, Eugene V. Debs [1], waged his
own campaigns for the presidency.
Debs began his political career as a labor leader. Growing up in
Terre Haute, Indiana, he dropped out of school at the age of fourteen to work
on the railroads, scraping the grease from the trucks of freight engines. In
later years, convinced that the division of workers into small craft unions
made them easy pickings for the giant railroad corporations, Debs founded the
American Railway Union, leading it in the dramatic Pullman Strike of 1894.
Taking the side of the railroad corporations, the federal government acted to
crush the strike, send Debs and other union leaders to jail, and destroy the
American Railway Union.
As Debs brooded on these events, he concluded that, although
industry-wide unions were vital, they could not win their battles for economic
and social justice while giant corporations dominated the government. In
Europe, workers were forming labor and socialist parties. Why not in America?
At the beginning of 1897, in an open letter to the remnants of the American
Railway Union, he wrote: “I am for Socialism because I am for humanity. We have
been cursed with the reign of gold long enough.”
In 1901, together with small groups of union activists, former
Populists, socialists, and a sprinkling of intellectuals and reformers, Debs
established the Socialist Party of America. Socialist Party campaigns were a
mixture of “immediate demands”—minimum wages, maximum hours, abolition of child
labor, and women’s suffrage—and utopian visions. On the municipal level, the
party challenged local corruption and championed improved public services. Each
reform, the party stressed, extended democracy from politics to the economy,
leading to the ultimate goal of “the cooperative commonwealth.”
In the early twentieth century, roughly a century before Bernie
Sanders’s long-shot run for the White House, another prominent democratic
socialist, Eugene V. Debs, waged his own campaigns for the presidency.
In response, the party’s strength grew rapidly and, by 1912, the
Socialist Party, with Debs as its presidential candidate, was a force to be
reckoned with. In speech after speech, Debs set crowds ablaze. Eighteen
thousand people crowded into Philadelphia’s Convention Hall to hear him.
Another 22,000 packed New York City’s Madison Square Garden. In the Southwest,
his revivalistic zeal appealed deeply to tenant farmers and miners. In the
Middle West, he captured the hearts of Polish- and German-Americans. In the
East, Jewish garment workers plastered their walls with his picture. As the
novelist John Dos Passos noted, Debs encouraged workers to “want the world he
wanted, a world . . . where everybody would split even.”
The 1912 election results confirmed the party’s progress. That
year, Debs drew 901,000 votes. Socialist Party membership also reached a peak:
118,000 Americans. Like its counterparts abroad (for example, the British
Labour Party), the Socialist Party seemed to be rising to power. Socialists
held 1,200 public offices in 340 American cities, including 79 mayors in 24
states.
However, by 1920, Debs faced a very different situation. His
beloved Socialist Party lay in ruins, while he was locked up again in prison.
Behind the crisis of American socialism lay World War I and
its accompanying atmosphere of fear and intolerance [2]. In
response to the Congressional declaration of war in April 1917, delegates at an
emergency party convention declared their “unalterable opposition” to it.
Fierce government repression and vigilante action followed, destroying the
party organization. Drawing upon the Espionage Act—a loosely-written law
prohibiting any obstruction of the war effort—the federal government began
prosecuting Socialist Party leaders. Many were convicted, usually for speeches
or writings critical of the war, and sentenced to lengthy prison terms.
Meanwhile, the postmaster general banned virtually every Socialist newspaper,
magazine, or other publication from the mails. Socialist Congressman Victor
Berger, convicted under the Espionage Act, was expelled from the House of
Representatives, re-elected by the voters, and then expelled again.
Outraged by this assault upon civil liberties, Debs [3] delivered a blistering
speech that June at a party rally in Canton, Ohio, not far from the jail where
two Socialist Party leaders had recently been hung by their wrists from a
prison rafter. As federal agents circulated conspicuously through the crowd, he
declared boldly:
“The master class has always declared the wars; the subject
class has always fought the battles. The master class has had all to gain and
nothing to lose, while the subject class has had nothing to gain and all to
lose.” Thirteen days later, a federal grand jury indicted Debs for violating
the Espionage Act.
At his trial, Debs freely conceded his guilt. “I have been accused
of having obstructed the war,” he stated. “I admit it. Gentlemen, I abhor war.”
Facing a possible 60-year prison sentence, the aging Socialist leader refused
to flinch.
“Your Honor,” he said, “years ago I recognized my kinship with all
living things, and I made up my mind that I was not one bit better. . . . While
there is a lower class, I am in it; . . . while there is a soul in prison, I am
not free.”
Sentenced to ten years in prison, Debs spent a substantial portion
of it in the maximum security penitentiary in Atlanta. Here he labored in the
prison workhouse and, for fifteen hours a day, was confined with five other men
to a small, stiflingly hot Southern jail cell. Reports began to filter out that
the 63-year old Socialist leader was near death. Moreover, the prison’s
security restrictions weighed heavily upon him. Visiting privileges were
limited, while Debs’s letters—restricted to a single sheet of paper per
week—could be written only to an authorized group of family members. In a
particularly vindictive act, the Wilson administration cut off Debs’s mail and
visiting privileges. Nevertheless, Debs remained a charismatic figure, beloved
by his fellow prisoners.
Meanwhile, the Socialist Party continued to disintegrate. A
portion of the party, inspired by the Bolshevik revolution in Russia and
convinced by government repression that American democracy was a sham, demanded
a “revolutionary” strategy. When they failed to capture control of the
Socialist Party from more moderate forces, they split off and formed two
competing Communist organizations whose leaders raced off to Moscow to secure
recognition from the new Communist International. Debs spoke out strongly
against them. “The Moscow program,” he said, “is outrageous, autocratic,
ridiculous.” Thereafter, Socialists and Communists were rivals—and sometimes
enemies—in the United States and around the world.
Meanwhile,
in 1920, the battered Socialist Party leadership convinced Debs to make yet
another run for the presidency. Confined to his prison cell and with his party
in shambles, Debs could not wage an effective campaign. Indeed, he was allowed
no more than a weekly press release by prison authorities. Nevertheless, he
provided a potent symbol of democratic socialist ideals and government
repression. In the election, he garnered 923,000 votes—a smaller percentage of
the overall total (enhanced by women’s suffrage) than he had drawn in the past,
but the largest vote ever drawn by a democratic socialist candidate for the
presidency.
In late 1921, the new Republican administration of Warren G.
Harding, barraged by petitions calling for Debs’s freedom, commuted his
sentence and released him from captivity. After an emotional farewell from his
fellow prisoners, Debs traveled to the White House for a remarkably friendly
meeting with the President. Then Debs caught a train to Terre Haute, where he
was greeted by a wild, cheering crowd of 25,000 that lifted him off his feet
and carried him to the front steps of his home.
Although Debs died some four years later, many of the democratic
socialist ideas he championed—minimum wages, maximum hours, unemployment
insurance, the abolition of child labor, collective bargaining rights, health
and safety regulations, worker’s compensation, social security, and a variety
of publicly funded services—having attained some popularity, became
incorporated into the program of the Democratic Party and, later, enacted into
law.
Will the presidential campaign of Bernie
Sanders [5], a political activist who has long revered Debs, be able to
extend Debs’s legacy by securing national healthcare, free college education, a
$15 minimum wage, a break-up of the giant banks, a more peaceful foreign
policy, and other reforms? Debs’s political career illustrates both the
difficulties and the possibilities.
Lawrence Wittner is Professor of History emeritus [6] at
SUNY/Albany. His latest book is a satirical novel about university
corporatization and rebellion, What’s Going On at Aardvark? [7]
Links:
[1] http://www.amazon.com/Bending-Cross-Biography-Eugene-Victor/dp/193185940X/ref=sr_1_1?s=books&ie=UTF8&qid=1447974333&sr=1-1&keywords=the+bending+cross&pebp=1447974340304&perid=0E3J33DT0103RHB0PJFY
[2] http://www.amazon.com/Opponents-War-1917-1918-H-Peterson/dp/B0017DGYRM/ref=sr_1_1?s=books&ie=UTF8&qid=1447974595&sr=1-1&keywords=H.C.+Peterson+and+Gilbert+C.+Fite%2C+Opponents+of+War%2C+1917-1918&pebp=1447974605141&perid=14ZABSD2YGP3346WZJ3X
[3] http://www.amazon.com/Bending-Cross-Biography-Eugene-Victor/dp/193185940X/ref=sr_1_1?s=books&ie=UTF8&qid=1447974718&sr=1-1&keywords=the+bending+cross
[4] https://www.laprogressive.com/author/lawrence-s-wittner/
[5] https://berniesanders.com/issues/
[6] http://lawrenceswittner.com
[7] http://www.amazon.com/Whats-Going-UAardvark-Lawrence-Wittner/dp/0692261125/ref=sr_1_1_twi_pap_2?s=books&ie=UTF8&qid=1442077534&sr=1-1&keywords=what%27s+going+on+at+UAardvark%3F
[2] http://www.amazon.com/Opponents-War-1917-1918-H-Peterson/dp/B0017DGYRM/ref=sr_1_1?s=books&ie=UTF8&qid=1447974595&sr=1-1&keywords=H.C.+Peterson+and+Gilbert+C.+Fite%2C+Opponents+of+War%2C+1917-1918&pebp=1447974605141&perid=14ZABSD2YGP3346WZJ3X
[3] http://www.amazon.com/Bending-Cross-Biography-Eugene-Victor/dp/193185940X/ref=sr_1_1?s=books&ie=UTF8&qid=1447974718&sr=1-1&keywords=the+bending+cross
[4] https://www.laprogressive.com/author/lawrence-s-wittner/
[5] https://berniesanders.com/issues/
[6] http://lawrenceswittner.com
[7] http://www.amazon.com/Whats-Going-UAardvark-Lawrence-Wittner/dp/0692261125/ref=sr_1_1_twi_pap_2?s=books&ie=UTF8&qid=1442077534&sr=1-1&keywords=what%27s+going+on+at+UAardvark%3F
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21218. Ph: 410-366-1637; Email: mobuszewski [at] verizon.net. Go to http://baltimorenonviolencecenter.blogspot.com/
"The master class
has always declared the wars; the subject class has always fought the battles.
The master class has had all to gain and nothing to lose, while the subject
class has had nothing to gain and everything to lose--especially their lives."
Eugene Victor Debs
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