http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2009/06/30/AR2009063003422.html
Reuters
Tuesday, June 30, 2009 7:12 PM
NEW YORK (Reuters) - Lawyers for the first detainee transferred from Guantanamo Bay for trial in a U.S. civilian court asked a judge on Tuesday for access to CIA "black sites" where they say he was harshly interrogated.
Lawyers for Ahmed Khalfan Ghailani said they needed access to the secret detention sites, whose locations abroad have not been publicly identified, to gather evidence and inspect whether any statements the Tanzanian made under interrogation were reliable, according to court papers filed in
Ghailani is accused of involvement in the 1998 bombings of
His lawyers said in a memo to the court they believed that after he was arrested in Pakistan in 2004 he was secretly interrogated and made statements following physical and psychological ill-treatment at a CIA black site.
They said they were concerned that after the CIA said in April the sites were being shut down they would be unable to check the reliability of any statements Ghailani made.
The lawyers asked that the court order the CIA black sites where he was detained be preserved.
The "black sites" were used to detain suspects in the "war on terrorism" launched by former President George W. Bush after the September 11 attacks in 2001.
(Reporting by Christine Kearney, editing by Ellen Wulfhorst and Jackie Frank)
© 2009 Reuters
July 3, 2009
Grand Jury Inquiry on Destruction of C.I.A. Tapes
The witnesses recently called by the special prosecutor, former government officials said, include the agency’s top officer in
The grand jury testimony of C.I.A. officers is further evidence that, despite President Obama’s pledge not to punish agency operatives for their role in the detention and interrogation of terrorism suspects, the shadow of the controversial program still looms over the agency’s daily operations.
The court appearances are tied to a criminal investigation led by John L. Durham, whom the Justice Department appointed in January 2008 to investigate the destruction of the tapes. The tapes had shown C.I.A. officers using harsh interrogation methods, including waterboarding, on two detainees, Abu Zubaydah and Abd al-Rahim al-Nashiri.
Mr. Durham has shrouded his investigation in a level of secrecy rare even by the normally tight-lipped standards of special prosecutors, and after 18 months it is still difficult to assess either the direction or the targets of his investigation.
Current and former intelligence officials say the tapes were ordered destroyed by Jose A. Rodriguez Jr., then the head of the C.I.A.’s clandestine branch. Mr. Rodriguez had worried that the tapes might be leaked and put undercover operatives in legal and physical jeopardy.
One top C.I.A. officer who recently appeared before Mr. Durham’s grand jury is the agency’s station chief in
Because she remains undercover, The New York Times is not publishing her name. She is said by former agency officers to have helped carry out Mr. Rodriguez’s order to destroy the tapes.
The tapes had been kept in a safe at the C.I.A. station in
Mr. Goss, whom President George W. Bush removed from the C.I.A in May 2006, is said by several former C.I.A. officials to have opposed the destruction of the tapes.
Mr. Rodriguez has not yet testified before the grand jury, two former C.I.A. officers said.
In a court filing last year, Mr. Durham indicated he planned to wrap up interviews for the investigation by late February, but Obama administration officials have indicated more recently that Mr. Durham could continue his work through the summer. One reason for the pace of the investigation, officials said, is that the grand jury convenes only once a month to hear testimony.
The current and former government officials interviewed for this article all spoke on the condition of anonymity because they were discussing details of a continuing criminal investigation.
Besides the question of who at the C.I.A. and White House might have authorized the destruction of the tapes, Mr. Durham is investigating the legal guidance Mr. Rodriguez received before giving the order. One issue is whether the agency might have broken the law by destroying tapes that could have been introduced as evidence in federal trials.
Mr. Rodriguez told colleagues at the time that two lawyers inside the agency’s clandestine branch, Steven Hermes and Robert Eatinger, had advised him that there was no legal impediment to destroying the tapes and that he had the authority to give the order.
But the advice of the two lawyers was careful, the former officials said, and they never gave official approval for the tapes’ destruction.
The C.I.A. never disclosed the existence of the tapes to either the Sept. 11 commission or federal courts that had been hearing the cases of Qaeda suspects in American custody.
At the time the tapes were destroyed, lawyers for Zacarias Moussaoui, the so-called 20th hijacker in the Sept. 11 plot, were seeking information from the Bush administration about the interrogation of Mr. Zubaydah that might have pertained to Mr. Moussaoui’s role in the 2001 attacks.
Some legal experts said Mr. Durham might have trouble building a criminal case around the role of the C.I.A. lawyers.
“It seems difficult to prove that lawyers had criminal intent,” said John Radsan, a former C.I.A. lawyer and federal prosecutor who now teaches at the William Mitchell College of Law in St. Paul, “and they didn’t have Rodriguez’s personal interest in getting rid of the tapes.”
“Incompetence does not equal obstruction of justice,” Mr. Radsan said.
As Mr. Durham’s investigation proceeds, the Obama administration has also been forced under a Freedom of Information Act lawsuit to make public a number of top-secret documents related to the C.I.A. detention program.
On Thursday, the Justice Department sent a letter to a judge in
David Johnston contributed reporting.
Copyright 2009 The New York Times Company
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