Monday, July 30, 2018
Foolish
Wars Have Consequences
Countless civilan deaths, millions displaced, decimation of
entire cities and the spread of extremism
commondreams.org
Fifteen
years ago, we were still in the early stages of the US invasion and occupation
of Iraq, “the war that would change everything.” Looking at the Middle East
today, I feel an overwhelming sadness as I consider the far-reaching and
devastating impact that the Iraq war has had on my country and the region and
its peoples.
Neoconservatives
had been aggressively pushing the Bush administration to launch a war against
Iraq beginning immediately after the horrific terrorist attacks of September
11, 2001. They argued that America needed to forcefully respond to the attacks
in order to demonstrate that we were not to be trifled with. A decisive show of
strength, they claimed, was necessary to clearly establish America’s hegemony
and to forestall any move toward multi-polarity in the post-Cold War era.
It
bears repeating that the war was based on lies, and by that I don’t mean
the lies about Saddam’s nuclear program or his connection to the 9/11
terrorists. Rather the more insidious lies were: that the “war would be a ‘cake
walk,'” that it wouldn’t require a significant troop commitment or expenditure
of resources, that it would be over quickly, that we would be greeted as
liberators, that democracy would take hold in Iraq, and that the entire Middle
East would be transformed.
Imagine
what the Middle East would be like if fifteen years ago, we had not engaged in
that foolish war. Iraqis might still be struggling against their dictator, but
one million Iraqis would not have died and their society would not have been
destroyed.
Fifteen
years later, only one of these claims turned out to be true: the region would
be transformed. But it was not the transformation envisioned by the neo-cons.
Again,
it bears repeating just how devastating that war has been. The war itself
exposed the deep fissures in Iraqi society, while the US occupation’s
uninformed bungling only served to exacerbate these divides. With Iraq’s army
and ministries dismantled, the country fell into chaos with competing sectarian
militias unleashing a civil war. This resulted in the massive displacement of
civilians—millions of whom became refugees or internally displaced—and the
decimation of vulnerable religious minority communities. All of this occurred
on Bush’s watch.
An
additional tragic consequence of the war was the spread of extremism. Al-Qaeda,
far from defeated, metastasized into newer and more deadly forms in Iraq, its
immediate neighborhood, and countries beyond.
In
this weakened and fractured Iraq, Iran found a foothold which it parlayed to
its advantage. Today, Iran remains a major player in Iraq and not only there.
Another unintended consequence of the war was the unleashing of Iran as a
regional power.
Subdued,
for a time, by its rival Iraq, Iran now felt empowered to extend itself beyond
its borders. Preying on growing anti-American sentiment and sectarian tensions
in other countries, “revolutionary Iran” was emboldened to meddle in regional
affairs. This gave rise to the Arab Gulf states feeling the need to assert
themselves against this growing and destabilizing Iranian threat.
The
neocons’ war also emboldened Israel to more aggressively pursue its agenda to
subdue the Palestinians and to expand its colonial enterprise.
The
US, once seen as the dominant super power that had won the Cold War and built
an international coalition to liberate Kuwait, now found itself bogged down in
a war it could not win with its military weakened and demoralized by losses.
The US also stood discredited in the Arab World as a result of its bloody
failure and abhorrent behavior in Iraq and its stubborn refusal to confront its
client/ally Israel
The
neoconservative’s blindness to Middle East realities did indeed give birth to a
“New Middle East,” but it was exactly the opposite of the one they had
imagined.
As the
region descended into multiple new crises—with deadly wars in Syria and
Yemen—the impact of the Iraq war became even more pronounced. Iran was a player
in each of them. The Gulf states also became involved seeking ways to combat
aggressive Iranian advances which challenged and threatened them. Al-Qaeda and
its offshoots played an new and deadly role in Iraq and Syria. And new players
like Russia and Turkey, each defending what they saw as their interests, also
emerged as regional actors.
All
the while, the US, weakened diplomatically and still licking its wounds from
the war in Iraq, was too war weary and wary of becoming directly involved in
new regional crises. Some blame the Obama administration for passivity. But
this fails to recognize the reality that the post-Iraq, the US military
cautioned against engagement in conflicts they could neither manage nor see how
their entry, without a long-term commitment—in which they loathed to
engage—could help bring about a resolution.
The
Syrian conflict has taken the lives of a half-million while forcing over five
million to become refugees.
In
this new chaotic multi-polar world, conflicts spin out of control, becoming
more deadly and destabilizing as they grew. The Syrian conflict has taken the
lives of a half-million while forcing over five million to become refugees.
This has created new pressures in neighboring countries and unleashed an
xenophobic tidal wave that is now challenging democracies in Eastern and
Central Europe. And the battle in Yemen, which began as an effort to restore
the legitimate government that had been overthrown by a rebel faction, has
morphed into a draining regional conflict and a humanitarian disaster.
And so
here we are fifteen years later, with the US reduced to playing a
supporting role in a deadly conflict in Yemen and a backup role for minor
players in Syria. The mono-polar world envisioned by the neo-conservatives has
given way to a multi-polar region—with Iran, Russia, Turkey, the Gulf States,
and the US all engaged, in varying degrees, in conflicts—all, seemingly,
without end. This is the house that the Iraq War built.
At
this point, one can only imagine what the Middle East would be like if fifteen
years ago, we had not engaged in that foolish war. Iraqis might still be
struggling against their dictator, but one million Iraqis would not have died
and their society would not have been destroyed. Iran’s people would still be
struggling against its regime, but Iran would be contained. And the US, its capacity
for leadership and prestige still intact, would be in a position to play a far
more constructive role in regional diplomacy and conflict resolution.
I
write this not to “cry over spilt milk,” but as a cautionary note. Foolish wars
have consequences with which we are forced to live. We need to learn from them
in order to not be so foolish in the future.
© 2018
The Lobe Log
Donations can be sent
to the Baltimore Nonviolence Center, 325 E. 25th St., Baltimore, MD
21218. Ph: 410-323-1607; Email: mobuszewski2001 [at] comcast.net. Go to http://baltimorenonviolencecenter.blogspot.com/
"The master class
has always declared the wars; the subject class has always fought the battles.
The master class has had all to gain and nothing to lose, while the subject
class has had nothing to gain and everything to lose--especially their
lives." Eugene Victor Debs
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